Introduction

Chang Ping (长平) is a well-known Chinese journalist and commentator who once served as deputy editor of Southern Metropolis Weekly, one of China’s most influential liberal media outlets in the 2000s. He became famous for his sharp, independent writing on social justice and freedom of expression. In 2008, after publishing an article about Tibet that urged more open reporting and reflection on ethnic prejudice, he was fiercely attacked by the Chinese nationalists and then banned from publishing in China. Facing continuous censorship and pressure, Chang was eventually forced into exile. Next, let’s revisit Chang Ping’s article and the events surrounding it in the aftermath of the March 2008 protests across Tibetan regions—referred to by the Chinese authorities as the “3·14 incident.”

They have found that Western prejudice against China stems from a sense of cultural superiority. We should then ask: are the Han people guilty of a similar prejudice toward ethnic minorities born of cultural superiority?

Eighteen years ago, on April 6, 2008, shortly after the protests that erupted in Lhasa that March, Chang Ping, then Deputy Editor-in-Chief of Southern Metropolis Weekly, published an article on www.ftchinese.com titled “Tibet: Truth vs. Nationalist Sentiment.” In the piece, he urged the government to lift reporting restrictions on the recent Lhasa riots, encouraged open public discourse, and argued that Han Chinese harbor cultural superiority and prejudice toward ethnic minorities, much like Western societies. His remarks swiftly drew a firestorm of attacks from nationalist netizens, who branded him a “traitor” and “anti-China.”

The online vitriol was soon echoed by state media. Beijing Evening News condemned his views, stating that his “freedom of speech had reached a terrifying level.” This official branding effectively sealed his fate; Chang Ping was promptly removed from his post and reassigned as Chief Researcher at the Southern Metropolis Communication Research Institute. Two years later, the Southern Media Group declined to renew his contract, citing his “trip to India to meet the Dalai Lama” as the reason. Simultaneously, police launched an investigation into him for “colluding with overseas hostile forces to subvert state power.” His name was subsequently scrubbed from the Chinese internet, rendering his body of work unsearchable within the country.

In 2011, Chang Ping left mainland China for Hong Kong, a move that would lead to a permanent separation from his home. After receiving word that he was on a secret arrest list and learning that police had visited his family, he was forced into exile. After traveling through several Southeast Asian countries, he eventually settled in Germany, where he resides today.

Now 57, Chang Ping (born Zhang Ping) grew up during the Cultural Revolution. In 1989, as a sophomore at Sichuan University, he participated in the pro-democracy protests in Chengdu and was briefly detained in the aftermath. Following graduation, he entered journalism and rose to prominence within the “Southern Media Group”—exemplified by Southern Weekly—where he authored acclaimed investigative reports, including “A Review of the Zhang Jun Case.”

"To mitigate the danger of ethnic conflict, start by listening to the voices of Tibetans who have self-immolated," Chang Ping wrote in late 2012. At the time, he was serving as an editor for the Hong Kong-based iSun Affairs. The appeal appeared in his editorial for the magazine’s 35th issue, titled "The Sorrow of Tibet."

Truth vs. Nationalist Sentiment

Chang Ping publish Date: 2008-04-08

Following the unrest in Lhasa, rumors spread rapidly while domestic media remained characteristically silent in China. For several consecutive days, news outlets carried nothing but brief bulletins and statements from officials of the Tibet Autonomous Region. Descriptions of the event were reduced to a single sentence: “Recently, a tiny minority of people in Lhasa engaged in destructive activities involving rioting, smashing, looting, and arson.” This amounted to little more than a headline. However, judging by the severe condemnation of the “Dalai clique” in official remarks, the public sensed the gravity of the situation and naturally sought further details. Drawing on past experience, many turned to overseas media for information. It was at this juncture that posts and videos exposing “fake news” from foreign media began to circulate online. This quickly snowballed into a massive internet campaign by the Chinese public to denounce Western media, leading to the creation of websites such as “Anti-CNN,” “Anti-BBC,” and “Anti-VOA.”

According to materials compiled by netizens, media outlets in countries including Germany, the United States, Britain, and India committed glaring factual errors in their coverage of the Lhasa incident. From a professional journalistic standpoint, some errors were remarkably amateurish, even suggesting deliberate distortion. Although several outlets issued apologies or corrections, the damage caused by the misinformation was already a fait accompli, making it difficult for the Chinese public to move toward reconciliation. As with any false reporting, the primary victim is the credibility of the media itself; ten thousand truths cannot salvage a single lie. In subsequent reporting on this issue, or other major events in the future, if Chinese media remains unable to report freely while overseas media becomes increasingly suspect, where then will the truth be found?

Some netizens exposing these “fake reports” claim their actions are intended to show the world the “truth” of the Lhasa incident. Logically, this claim is flawed; their actions only reveal the truth that Western media reporting was inaccurate. What actually happened in Lhasa? Most Chinese citizens saw only the uniform news released by the government after several days of information blackout. Regarding any monopolized news release from a single source, I would not dare claim it is false, but neither can I confirm it is true. Indeed, most overseas media outlets labeled it “the truth carefully woven by the Chinese government.” Later, when the government organized foreign journalists to visit Tibet, most of their reports remained untranslated in the domestic sphere. Amidst the heat of the anti-Western media wave, even if they had been translated, few would have believed them.

The anger continues to spread. Although the “Anti-CNN” website declared, “We do not oppose the media itself, only unobjective reporting; we do not oppose the Western people, only prejudice,” the reality is not always so nuanced. Many netizens have veered in the opposite direction, or stood there from the start. They do not truly care about journalistic objectivity; they care about the media’s stance. Prejudice is not necessarily unacceptable; it simply depends on which side you favor. If one truly stood for journalistic values, they would not only expose the false reporting of Western media but also question the Chinese government’s dual control over information sources and domestic media. Undoubtedly, the latter causes greater harm to journalistic integrity than the former. As facts have shown, correcting an outlet’s error is relatively easy—a few patient netizens can manage it. However, protesting against state-controlled news means facing state power, leaving the world feeling helpless.

Some Chinese citizens have realized that false reporting and prejudice are not the most frightening threats. As long as there is an open environment for public opinion that allows for full disclosure and discussion, there remains a chance for truth and justice to prevail. This successful counter-strike by netizens against overseas media is a prime example. Overseas Chinese students were the first to identify the issues and react. Their debunking images circulated freely on BBS forums and went viral on famous sites like YouTube. Had these online platforms been restricted, the process of exposure would have faced immense hurdles.

The greatest damage these false reports inflict on journalistic values is that they cause many people to abandon their belief in objectivity and fairness in favor of narrow nationalism. They conclude that “universal values” are merely deceptive tools and that the world is nothing more than a zero-sum struggle for national interest. They even use these errors as justification to claim that lying is “international standard practice,” thereby excusing the lies within their own surroundings or history. Of course, some held these views already; the media incident simply provided them with new evidence to proselytize to others.

However, I also see many Chinese people using this opportunity for broader discussion and deeper reflection. They have found that Western prejudice against China stems from a sense of cultural superiority. We should then ask: are the Han people guilty of a similar prejudice toward ethnic minorities born of cultural superiority? If Western distortions of China stem from a refusal to listen and an obsession with “Orientalist” tropes, as described by Edward Said, then how do we treat our own ethnic minorities? If we use nationalism as a weapon to resist the West, how do we persuade ethnic minorities to abandon nationalism and join the mainstream project of nation-building? The Dalai Lama has asked the government for a re-evaluation of his status; what kind of person is he, truly? Beyond official characterizations, can the media be allowed to discuss this freely to further reveal the truth?

(The author, Chang Ping, is a veteran journalist. He formerly served as the News Director of Southern Weekly and Deputy Editor-in-Chief of The Bund Magazine. He was the Deputy Editor-in-Chief of Southern Metropolis Weekly by the time he published this article.)

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“The Rumor-Mongering Freedom of Nandu Chang Ping”

Author: Wen Feng Beijing Daily Online (www.bjd.com.cn)
Date: April 11, 2008

Recently, a person known as “Nandu Changping,” who has been fiercely criticized and denounced by netizens, may once again defend himself in the name of freedom of speech, claiming that online users are trying to deprive him of his right to speak. I usually do not pay much attention to online forums, but this time, due to the intensity of the public backlash, I took a closer look at Changping’s remarks. What I found was that his notion of “freedom of speech” has reached an alarming—even “terrifying”—level.

The core of the statement for which he has been criticized is this: “Freedom of speech naturally includes the freedom to make mistakes, especially the freedom to question power. More frightening than rumors is the deprivation of freedom of speech.” He has even openly labeled this as a universal value. According to this logic, “freedom of speech” would allow one to turn black into white, fabricate facts, distort history at will, speak irresponsibly, and “freely” spread rumors, smear others, and make baseless accusations. This is no different from the hysterical behavior recently displayed by Western media regarding the Tibet issue in China. Is this what freedom of speech means? This is nothing but verbal violence. I have never seen any Western media enjoy such freedom in their own countries, because such “freedom” would infringe upon the rights of others, trample social justice, and abandon even the most basic morality. If this is the “universal value” that Nandu Changping seeks to defend, then it can only be a value devoid of shame.

I did not previously know who Nandu Changping was, but after a brief inquiry, I learned that he is a prominent figure in the Southern Media Group. This is hardly surprising. Newspapers under the Southern Media Group, represented by Southern Weekly, have long prided themselves on being the most “Westernized” publications in China—among the boldest, most insightful, and most profound—and have spared no effort in promoting Western-style “universal values” and “freedom of the press.” It is therefore unsurprising that Changping would hold such views. The reason this incident has caused such a stir is that it comes at a time when Western media are openly fabricating rumors, smearing, and distorting the Tibet issue. Under such circumstances, it is difficult to believe that he or others are merely advocating for “freedom of speech”; it seems they have even cast aside their last fig leaf.

In the eyes of people like Nandu Changping who advocate so-called universal values, anything Western is universal and must be upheld—including the right to spread rumors. This raises an unavoidable question: since modern times, many of the wars and colonial ventures in human history have been initiated by Western countries—where, then, are the “universal values” in these? The existence of people like Nandu Changping and the views they express only demonstrate one thing: those who loudly proclaim and champion “universal values” and “freedom” are merely using them as pretexts to achieve their own ulterior motives. But lies will ultimately remain lies. In the face of facts and truth, the role of lies is only to make people see hypocrisy more clearly, and to ensure that the “universal values” promoted by people like Nandu Chang Ping are rejected by the public.

来源：中国数字时代｜中国猛博之十一： 长平——被围殴后，举起双刃剑

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翻译：Wilson 编辑文案：Jiangyu 综合编辑：GD

编者按

长平是中国知名记者和评论员，曾任《南方都市周刊》副主编，该刊是2000年代中国最具影响力的自由派媒体之一。他以对社会正义和言论自由的犀利独立评论而闻名。2008年，他发表了一篇关于西藏的文章，呼吁对种族偏见进行更开放的报道和反思，之后遭到中国民族主义者的猛烈攻击，并被禁止在中国出版作品。面对持续不断的审查和压力，长平最终被迫流亡海外。下面，我们来一起回顾2008年3月各地藏区抗暴，被官方所称的314事件后长平所发文章和前后的始末。

18年前，2008年4月6日，在当年3月发生的拉萨抗议活动不久后，时任《南都周刊》副总编辑长平在FT中文网发表了一篇名为《西藏：真相与民族主义情绪》的文章，呼吁政府放开对刚刚发生不久的拉萨事件的报道限制，允许公众开放的讨论，并提出汉人在面对少数民族时，有着同西方社会一样的由文化优越感而导致的偏见。很快，他因此受到持有民族主义观点的网民的大量攻击，称他为“汉奸”和“反华”。

伴随着对长平的网络声讨和谩骂，官方媒体也下场批判，《北京晚报》表示他的“言论自由已到了恐怖的程度”。这成了一种官方的定性，很快，长平遭撤职并调任南都传播研究院任首席研究员，并在两年后被南方报业以“去印度见达赖（喇嘛）”为由不再与之续约，警方也开始以“勾结境外敌对势力颠覆国家政权”对他立案调查。而他的名字也被中国互联网封杀，在国内，搜索他的名字不再能找到任何他的文章。

2011年，长平离开中国前往香港，这成为他和中国内地的永别。在收到自己在一份秘密抓捕的名单上的消息和警察拜访家人之后，他被迫流亡，辗转东南亚几国后，最终在德国定居至今。

现年57岁的长平本名张平，出生于文化大革命时期。1989年，当时在四川大学就读于本科二年级的他在成都参与了抗议活动，并在事件后遭到警方的短暂拘捕。大学毕业后，他进入新闻行业，随后在以《南方周末》为代表的南方系媒体中崭露头角，写作了《张君案检讨》等一系列著名报道。

“要改变民族冲突的危险，请先从倾听藏人自焚者的心声开始。”2012年底，当时在香港《阳光时务周刊》担任编辑的长平，在该杂志第35期《痛哉西藏》中的主编寄语中这样写道。

西藏——真相与民族主义情绪

长平 发表日期：2008-04-08

拉萨事件发生以后，小道消息迅速传开，但是国内媒体照例噤声。连续几天，各家媒体上都只有西藏自治区负责人的简短通报和谈话。通报中，对于事件的描述只有一句：“近日，拉萨极少数人进行打、砸、抢、烧破坏活动。”相当于一个标题新闻。民众从谈话对达赖集团的严厉谴责中，已经知道此事非同小可，自然愿闻其详。依循过去的经验，很多人通过境外媒体来获取更多消息。此时，几个揭露境外媒体虚假报道的帖子和视频却在网上流传开来，很快就酿成了一场中国民众愤怒声讨西方媒体的网络事件，出现了一些命名为“反 CNN”、“反BBC”、“反美国之音”的网站。

根据网民搜集的材料，包括德国、美国、英国和印度在内的一些国家的媒体对拉萨事件的报道中出现了明显的事实错误。从新闻职业规范来看，有些错误非常低级，甚至有刻意误导的嫌疑。尽管有几家媒体进行了道歉和更正，但是失实新闻造成的伤害既成事实，难以得到中国民众的谅解。跟任何虚假新闻一样，这个伤害首先指向媒体自身的公信力，一万个真实也挽救不了一个谎言。在此事的后续报道中，在将来的其他重大事件中，倘或中国媒体同样不能自由报道，而境外媒体又变得面目可疑，那么真相从何处来呢？

一些揭露境外媒体虚假报道的网民宣称，他们要用行动让世人看到拉萨事件的真相。这个说法逻辑不通，因为他们的行动只能让人看见西方媒体报道不实的这个真相。拉萨究竟发生了什么？大多数中国人看到的只有政府在封锁消息几天之后统一发布的新闻。对于任何来源单一的垄断性新闻发布，我不敢说它是假的，但是也不能确认它是真的。事实上，境外媒体大多称之为“中国政府精心编织的真相”。随后政府组织外国记者赴藏采访，他们的报道大多也没有翻译过来。由于声讨西方媒体热浪当头，即便翻译过来也没多少人相信。

愤怒仍在扩散。尽管“反CNN”网站声明，“我们并不反对媒体本身，我们只反对某些媒体的不客观报道；我们并不反对西方人民，但是我们反对偏见”，但事实并非总是如此，很多网民走到了相反的方向，甚至一开始就站在相反的方向：他们并不真的在乎新闻的客观公正，而在乎媒体本身的立场；偏见未必是不能接受的，关键是看你偏向哪一边。如果真的站在新闻价值的立场，那么他们就不会仅仅揭露西方媒体的虚假报道，而且应该质疑中国政府对消息源和国内媒体的双重控制。毫无疑问，后者对新闻价值的伤害更甚于前者。正如已经发生的事实，对个体媒体虚假报道的矫正相对容易，几个耐心细致的中国网民就可以做到；对新闻控制的抗议面对的是国家权力，全世界都徒唤奈何。

一些中国民众已经看到，虚假报道和偏见并不是最可怕的，只要有一个开放的舆论环境，允许充分的揭示和讨论，它们就有走向真相和公义的机会。这次网民对于境外媒体的成功反击，就是一个很好的例子。最早发现问题并及时反应的，是海外的中国留学生。他们制作的揭发图像在BBS上自由流传，也在Youtube这样的著名网站上火热播放。假如这些网络媒体都受到限制，那么揭发进程就会遇到很多困难。

这些虚假报道对新闻价值的最大伤害，在于让很多人进一步放弃了对客观公正的信赖，而选择了狭隘民族主义立场。他们从中得出结论说，普世价值都是骗人的玩意儿，只有国家利益的你争我夺。他们甚至以此为依据说，撒谎也是一种“国际惯例”，从而对自己身边或者历史上的谎言予以谅解。当然，一些人本来就是这样想的，这次媒体事件让他们又找到一个证据，从而去对别人宣讲而已。

但是我也看到，有很多中国人借此机会进行了更广泛的讨论和更深入的思考。他们发现，西方人对中国的偏见，源自一种居高临下的文化优越感。那么应该警惕的是，汉人在面对少数民族时，有没有这样一种由文化优越感而导致的偏见呢？西方人对中国的歪曲报道，源自不愿意倾听和了解，沉迷于萨义德说的那种东方主义想象，那么我们对少数民族又如何呢？如果我们以民族主义为武器来反抗西方，那么怎样说服少数民族放弃民族主义，加入到主流的国家建设中来呢？达赖喇嘛要求政府对他重新评价，那么他到底是一个怎样的人呢？除了官方的定性之外，能不能允许媒体自由讨论以进一步揭示真相？

本文作者长平，资深媒体工作者，曾任《南方周末》新闻部主任，《外滩画报》副总编辑，文章发表时任《南都周刊》副总编辑。

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造谣自由的南都长平

作者：文峰 京报网 www.bjd.com.cn 日期:2008-04-11

近日遭到网友们群起批判喊打的一位叫南都长平的人，可能又要为自己的言论自由辩护了，认为网民们要剥夺他说话的权力。本人对网上的论坛一般不够关注，但这次由于网民们炮火猛烈，对所谓南都长平的言论做了一下了解。一看才知，此人的“言论自由”恐怕不只是到了骇人听闻的程度。而且是到了“恐怖”的程度，此人遭到批判的言论核心是说：“言论自由天然包括说错话的自由，尤其是质疑权力的自由，比谣言更可怕的是对言论自由的剥夺。”而且还公然标榜这是普世价值。按照这个逻辑：“言论自由”就可以颠倒黑白、捏造事实，就可以肆意歪曲历史、可以信口雌黄、可以“自由”地造谣、“自由”地抹黑、“自由”地扣帽子。就如同最近西方媒体在中国西藏问题上歇斯底里的表现一样，这难道就是言论自由吗？这是言论暴力。我从未看到任何一个西方媒体在它的国家里享有这种自由，因为这种自由侵犯了他人的权力，践踏了社会公义、丧失了起码的道德，如果这就是南都长平要维护的“普世价值”，那只能是失去廉耻的价值。

原来并不知道南都长平是何许人，稍做调查，原来此人是南方报系的“当红炸子鸡”：这就不足为奇了，南方报系中以《南方周末》为代表的报纸，一直以来标榜自己是中国最“西化”的报纸，最“大胆”、最有“见地”、最“深刻”，而且对推销西式“普世价值”、“新闻自由”不遗余力。南都长平的这种言论自然毫不奇怪。而这次所以引起如此轩然大波，是由于当下正是西方媒体公然造谣、公然抹黑、公然歪曲西藏事件的时候，这令人不能仅认为他或他们只是想要求“言论自由”，恐怕连自己的最后一块遮羞布都扯下来了。

在一些所谓要求普世价值的南都长平们看来，只要是西方的东西，就是普世的，就是要坚持的，包括造谣的权力，也是需要维护的。这就不禁使人要问，从近代以来，人类历史上所有的殖民和战争都是西方挑起的，这里有什么“普世价值”吗？南都长平这种人和这种言论的存在，只能说明一个事实，就是日下高喊和标榜“普世价值”和“自由”的人，不过是为了达到自己的某种阴暗目的，给自己找一些堂而皇之的借口而已。但谎言终归是谎言，在事实和真相面前，谎言的作用就是使人们对虚伪看得更清楚，使南都长平们宣扬的“普世价值”遭到人们的唾弃。

来源：中国数字时代｜中国猛博之十一： 长平——被围殴后，举起双刃剑

相关文章：

笼中自由 — 对《南方周末》前新闻主管长平的访谈

新闻人长平：一场延迟了二十年的流亡

西藏：真相与民族主义情绪

RFA｜《西藏：真相与民族主义情绪》引起网民批评

编辑文案：Jiangyu 综合编辑：GD

编者按：青海果洛高僧红格尔多吉在越南离奇死去的消息还在海内外藏人群体的震惊中蔓延，而外界华人和外国人似乎还没有搞清楚状况，一个名扬在海内外的高僧由于不配合中共官方指定的汉班禅，被反复骚扰施压，不得不远走越南避难。然而却被越南警方找到，被中共特工跨境镇压，不明不白的死在了越南胡志明。为了大家对红格尔多吉其人有更清晰的了解，也为了纪念他遇害一周年，我们找到并翻译了这篇感人至深的自述，通过红格尔多吉仁波切以朴实而诚挚的语言，文章讲述了他在风雪中成长、弘扬佛法、服务众生的生命旅程，感人至深，与大家分享！

• 相关报道：「红格尔多吉仁波切越南蒙难记」大成就者之殇： 中共跨国追杀时间线全梳理【多图】

English version

我想感谢大家多年来给予我的所有支持，我也想向你们介绍一些有关果洛龙恩寺的情况。藏地被称为世界屋脊。它地广人稀，山清水秀，空气清新，蓝天白云。这里佛法兴盛，佛教徒遍布，寺庙林立，如同夏日繁花。然而另一方面，它又是一个尚未开发且贫困的地区，交通不便，寒风刺骨，天气变化莫测的地区。

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果洛

果洛地区（Golog）是青海省六大自治区之一，位于浩瀚明亮的青海湖以南，是一片神奇的土地。果洛州面积7.7万平方公里，人口约16万，其中藏族人口超过15万。果洛州辖六个县，政治、经济、文化中心为大武。

美丽的阿尼玛卿雪山海拔6282米（20605英尺）。果洛境内山峦叠嶂，有雪山、岩石山峰、森林、牧场覆盖的山地和草原。著名的黄河正是从这里发源，蜿蜒流经果洛。这里河流纵横，大小湖泊星罗棋布。在这样的自然环境中，栖息着高海拔动物：雪狮、雪豹、野牦牛、藏羚羊，以及优雅的鹿群。（放牧）牦牛和绵羊是游牧民族的主要生计来源。

龙恩寺

我的寺院始建于19世纪20年代，由多钦哲耶喜多杰（Do Khyentse Yeshe Dorje， 1800-1866）创建。多钦哲耶喜多杰是十九世纪的一位伟大上师，是仁增晋美林巴（Rigdzin Jigme Lingpa，1792-1798）的转世。起初，寺院只是游牧民用牦牛毛搭建的帐篷，四处迁徙，没有固定住所。在穆斯林军队入侵和中国文化大革命期间，寺院勉强维持。

历代喇嘛凭借非凡的勇气和辛勤的努力，确保了寺院及其传承的延续。尤其是寺院的第九任住持白玛登扎多杰（Terchen Lama Padma Tumtrag Dorjee，1934-2009），也就是人们通常所称的喇嘛桑，他对佛法传承的维护和守护功不可没。1980年，他建造了现在的寺院，这是一座经中国政府正式注册的寺院。

喇嘛桑

为了满足众人的愿望和需求，喇嘛桑克服重重困难，建造了这座寺院。寺院最初只有大约三十名僧人，后来发展到五百名僧人和大约一百名瑜伽士。他建造了雪域的博达那佛塔、桑耶寺的复制品、菩提伽耶的摩诃菩提寺等等。然而，世事无常，喇嘛桑最终离开了人世，去往另一个世界。

喇嘛桑是红格尔多吉的父亲，一个在家修行的瑜伽士，

住持

从2000年起，我遵照喇嘛桑的遗愿，开始负责寺院的各项事务。喇嘛桑圆寂后，这一带的人们都盼望着我能实现他们的愿望，他们眼神里充满希望，双手合十，祈求安康。我不得不承担起这份责任。

成为一座寺庙的住持是许多人的梦想，他们会为此奋斗不息，但我却得偿所愿，被赋予了这份责任。许多人研读佛经，都怀揣着成为大师的秘密愿望，游历各个城市和国家，建造寺庙和道场，广收弟子。然而，在我学习期间，我唯一的目标就是学业进步，没有其他目标。因此，当我突然发现自己肩负起一座大寺庙的重任时，我并不觉得有什么值得庆幸的。

困难

要想当好寺庙的住持，必须学识渊博。很多住持都是高僧大德，学识渊博，戒律严明，心地善良。也有很多住持没有学过，知识浅薄，但凭借着不懈的努力和财富的力量，才获得了现在的地位。我呢，生于艰难的年代，九岁才开始识字。那是一个人人都生活在恐惧之中的年代，不敢学佛，不敢修法，只有在半夜偷偷地学习。那时候，果洛没有学校，更没有寺庙，根本看不到穿着法衣的僧人。

当修行佛法最终被允许时，我认识的许多人都能够重新穿上僧袍，展现出他们的僧侣身份。僧侣群体突然出现，如同绿茵场上铺满鲜花的地毯。在此之前，他们出于需要，一直穿着便服。甚至很少看到有人手上拿着念珠。除了剃光头外，没有任何迹象表明此人是僧侣。然而，那些喇嘛和僧伽内心保持着纯净的佛教修行，凭借他们的慈悲，我们得以从他们那里获得佛法甘露。

至于我，我并没有最好的条件去研习佛法及各种知识。然而，相比那些要么因为时局艰难，要么就是缺乏佛法热情而根本无法研习佛法的喇嘛和僧侣，我仍然认为自己很幸运，因为我受过一些教育，并且对佛法有一定的爱好。

我的佛法传承属于宁玛派的中观、般若波罗蜜、加行、扎龙、大圆满等等，我修习了宁玛派所有生起次第和圆满次第的教法。此外，我还学习了格鲁派等其他传承的见解和修行方法。感觉就像一个视力很好的人，被人用望远镜观察周围的世界。

此外，我还学习了其他国家的语言和文化，这让我有机会了解其他人是如何看待世界的。我结识了世界各地的许多人，并与许多同甘共苦、携手共进的挚友建立了深厚的友谊。

我最后一生的愿望

我觉得我前世一定祈祷过：

“愿我周游世界，用爱与仁慈反复对待每一个人，愿用温柔悦耳的话语造福他们，带给他们平静。”

我的朋友们总是对我很友善，温柔体贴，而我除了传授增进平静与仁慈的方法之外，什么也给不了他们。

童年

我出生在一个普通的游牧家庭，一年四季都跟随牧群，啃食牛肉和牛皮，喝牛奶，吃酸奶。在那个年代，在那样的环境下，甚至连“教育”这个词都闻所未闻。放牧的劳动代代相传，没有学习和动脑的传统。

在我们那边，我家算是大户人家，财产也不少。文化大革命的动乱把我们家彻底吞噬了，只剩下几个人和一点点财产。在那段艰难的岁月里，我母亲承受着巨大的压力，因为她几乎失去了一切，她从未上过学，对追求财富毫无兴趣，现在还要独自抚养五个孩子。我小时候，我们家夏天只能吃酸奶，冬天只能吃糌粑。其他食物我们几乎见不到，因为食物已经变得非常稀缺。我们的肚子总是渴望着面包和米饭的味道，但能吃到酸奶和糌粑就已经非常幸运了。

我大概十一二岁的时候才第一次见到卷心菜和白菜，我的舌头也开始触摸和品尝它们。想到我和儿时伙伴们所经历的种种，我们竟然还能活着，并且能够实现各自的人生目标，真是不可思议。

我从小就没能上学。我的父母和亲戚没能像他们希望的那样，用爱和善意照顾我。我在恐惧和危险的风暴中长大。我为自己没有失去内心的平静和稳定而感到自豪，现在我能够作为一名心灵平静的使者，周游世界。

善心与正念 Good motivation

承蒙父亲的恩德，我不仅拥有了此生，更肩负了这份责任，这无疑是一个利他良机。儿时，聆听菩萨生平的故事，我深受感动。它们如同我心灵中最美味、最滋养的食粮。如果我的心是一只蜜蜂，它将永远在菩萨行的花园里飞舞，永不离去。从小我就决心今生要行菩萨之道。菩提心：慈悲与慈悲，既是我人生的目标，也是我人生旅途中真正的伙伴。

承担责任

喇嘛桑圆寂后，我多次与他的主要弟子们会面，讨论继续维护寺院有何益处，以及不维护寺院有何害处。我们一致认为，应该继续维护寺院，因为这样才能延续喇嘛桑的慈悲。这样，这个庞大的僧团才能继续闻思修行；才能弘扬佛法；才能使与寺院有信仰的人能够获得佛法教诲；才能使修行者获得无尽的利益，等等。

面对困难

喇嘛桑圆寂后的三年间，僧团不断壮大。然而，原有的僧舍年久失修，加上高海拔地区，狂风肆虐，足以摧残地面岩石，更遑论摧残人体。因此，鉴于僧团的修行提升了佛法修持，僧众不得不为僧侣建造新的住所。

建筑材料价格不断上涨，尤其是在中国，因此需要更多资金；这是时代发展的必然要求。佛教寺院绝对应该有经论和证悟的传统，也就是研读和修行，因为它们是寺院的核心。如果没有研读和修行，即使寺院建造了六百英尺高的金塔，也只是空洞的门面。

Chörig Lobling 佛学院

这座寺院的Chöig Lobling佛学院的学生都是品德纯正的僧侣；有勤于闻思教法的学者；也有终生修行、知足常乐、远离欲望的僧侣。学院提供的教育质量一流，每年都有越来越多的学生从安多、藏中和康区前来学习。然而，学院的教学楼和学生设施都很简陋。

寺院设有一个专门修持普巴金刚的闭关中心，每年每位闭关者都会持诵一百万遍金刚萨埵和一百万遍普巴金刚心咒。我们是大圆满教法传承的重要传承者，因此我希望未来能为大圆满修持的各个阶段建立一个高质量的闭关中心。过去，果洛没有尼姑庵，人们看不起受戒的女性。在我看来，我不明白为什么女性，尤其是尼姑庵不受尊重。因此，我创办了果洛第一家尼姑庵。这里戒律严明；尼姑们非常谦逊；她们将戒律视为自己的眼睛。在此基础上，她们拥有越来越多的机会学习佛法和各种知识。

我们制定了完善的计划，以保护喇嘛桑寺原有的部分，该部分用于修持其伏藏法门的密宗修持、按照其教法进行法会和年度竹千法会。我们还为瑜伽修行者找到了老师，并为他们修习佛法和各门知识提供了便利。

红格尔多吉学校

小时候没能上学，我总觉得缺了点什么；只有能给年轻人提供学习的机会，我才会感到满足。为了给年轻人一个更美好的未来，我花了数年时间，创办了一所学习语言、写作和职业技能的学校。学校里的老师们用纯粹的热情和勤奋的付出，为学生们提供了高质量的教育，取得了优异的成绩，这所学校也逐渐成为藏地值得称道的新型学校典范。

在我的家乡，高海拔地区，寒风凛冽，冰雪交加，建造建筑绝非易事。维护已建成的建筑更是难上加难。隆冬时节，高海拔地区的寒风凛冽如同利剑，甚至能亲眼目睹地面裂开、岩石崩裂的景象。然而，这里也拥有令人惊叹的景观，例如亚洲最伟大的佛塔之一——康宗恰隆卡舒尔（雪域博达那佛塔）。要想持续维护这些建筑，使其经久不衰，需要考虑到诸多因素。

坚定不移的信念 The Unshakable Faith

寒风凛冽，冰雪肆虐，万物凋零。然而，凭借着强大的意志力和如金刚般坚定的对佛法的信仰，人们并不畏惧严寒。他们对于佛法的虔诚程度令人难以想象。大地冰雪覆盖，凛冽的寒风卷起大雪，然而人们依然安坐在露天聆听佛法。刺骨的寒意侵入他们的身体，使他们冻得僵硬，最终关节生疮，身体弯曲，手脚扭曲，最终无法正常行走。然而，他们从未被这些苦难吓倒，仍然来到露天聆听佛法。这似乎是藏人，尤其是果洛人的共同特征。

慈悲心 Compassion

传统上，上师会坐在法座上，在一座装饰着鲜艳色彩和鲜花的美丽建筑中避难。虽然我拥有所有这些必要的设施和舒适条件，但前来听我讲法的众多学员却不得不忍受寒冷和生病。这怎么能被忽视呢？我尝试过很多方法来解决这一问题，现在我正在建造一座足够容纳数千名前来参加冬季佛法讲法的学员的讲经堂。

全世界都知道，藏地的发展十分落后。果洛州也同样如此，生活水平仅能勉强维持。尤其是那些对佛法充满信仰的老人，他们为了听闻佛法、绕行佛寺而居住在寺院周围，却很少考虑如何养活自己。寺院周围还有数百名老人，他们一心一意地修行，衣食无忧。

不仅来自周边地区，来自西藏各地的学子和修行者也纷纷来到寺院。这里是佛法的中心，吸引了众多僧尼、老人以及无力自食其力的居士。看到他们饱受饥寒之苦，怎能视而不见？怎能不以慈悲之心看待他们？因此，我每年都会为他们分发食物和衣物。

喇嘛桑年轻时，我们那里的生活十分艰难。他的母亲病倒了，家里没有足够的钱给她买药，最终她去世了。正因如此，喇嘛桑才通过施药帮助人们。他承诺只要力所能及，就分发药品，每年都会向成千上万需要帮助的人分发各种藏药。我以他积极主动、积极进取的精神为榜样，每年都会继续这项美好而富有功德的慈善活动，为众多人分发药品。

冬季静修

这座寺院有着独特的传统，为广大在家众传授各种佛法。多年来，喇嘛桑每年冬天都会为信佛的民众传授各种佛法。他还嘱咐我，不仅要为僧众，也要为在家修行的会众传法。喇嘛桑圆寂三年后，我依然坚持留在藏地，顶着严冬，连续三个月到一百天，为大家详细讲解《普贤上师言教》、《六道中阴教》、《入菩萨行论》等经典。这满足了成千上万人内心深处的渴望，是一种利生清净的行为。同样，我也怀着这种善念，到处弘扬佛法。

传承古老的知识传统

西藏拥有丰富的历史文化，可以造福全世界。传承这一古老的知识传统是每一代人的责任。我们齐心协力，积极行动，致力于保护和弘扬我们的文化。因此，我创立了格萨尔公益基金会、玛域格萨尔文化中心和藏人传统与现代教育学校。

光说不练，真正做起来，关键在于有足够的钱，这是一切事业的基础。我不是世代传承的财富，也不是能让投资翻十倍百倍的商人，也不是把佛法和世俗混为一谈，欺骗世人的政客，也不是利用权势捞取财富的人。我只是被汹涌的变革之海，赤身裸体地抛到岸上的人，就像一个对生意毫无兴趣的乞丐，出身寒门，乞讨为生，是我的宿命。

关于我自己

我所有的钱财，并非父母所赐，更不是骗人的，都是好心朋友送的。我知道，他们的收入，都是他们操劳累、步履维艰、负重前行的汗水换来的。谁能不珍惜这份收入呢？想到他们为挣得这份收入，付出了多少艰辛的体力和心力，我深受感动。我并非无欲无求，对物质财富漠不关心，而是像乞丐一样，得到什么都欣然接受；我并非贪婪，积攒的钱财舍不得用；我并非自私，所得都占为己有。我有责任将所得用于布施和供养。我这么说，并非为了炫耀自己，也并非为了自夸，我只是诚实地讲述自己的真实情况。

我的责任

寺院里现在有七百多名僧尼和瑜伽修行者；学校里有三百名学生；还有三百多名需要照顾的老人。我必须在物质和精神上照顾他们。每年来寺院学习的僧尼人数都在增加；尤其是学校里的学生人数也在增加。此外，还有许多因信仰而与寺院紧密相连的居士。我必须亲自负责寺院及其相关人员的组织、教育和福利。

有信心的人所供养的财物，如果浪费了，或者被别人用了，就会造恶业，就像《百业经》等等说的。因此，我的首要任务是确保捐款得到正确使用，不会丢失或浪费。我衷心地说，任何想要支持和帮助僧伽的人，都应该首先想办法让我知道，这一点非常重要。你们对我充满信心，对我仁慈，为我布施、供养，你们心中充满善念之光，心中充满慈悲之光。我确保我家乡的贫困人民了解你们，了解你们馈赠的价值，看到它，接受它，并从中受益。

在这片高原的寒风雪雨中，我们身心感受到的第一股温暖，来自父母。你们的恩情，也是我们心中永远珍藏的温暖。

你们的笑脸、你们的温柔心灵，倒映在我们心灵清澈的水面上每一朵浪花上。

由红格尔多吉在美国撰写，供所有人阅读。
2012年11月10日。

英文翻译：Peter Alan Robert 博士 中文翻译：麻仁青

仁波切在2012年圣何塞举办的最后一次金刚萨埵禅修及咒语教学期间，等待译员翻译时写下了这段文字。（网站管理员注）

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Tashi Delek Trimalo, everyone. My name is Ginger, and I am here today on behalf of Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet.

Today is the third time I speak on March 10th. Our initiative has encouraged more and more Chinese people to join this movement. Today I want to share something about one of us: my friend, Tara Zhang Yadi, a prominent Chinese international student who supports Tibet. She was arrested last summer upon her return to China. This was devastating news for both our Chinese and Tibetan friends. She is only 22, and she just graduated from college. I believe she is probably the first Han Chinese to be arrested for supporting Tibet. She was able to travel inside Tibet, where she saw the harsh reality: Tibetan children are losing their mother tongue, and Tibetan is disappearing from the streets. She was so sad about the situation in Tibet. She worked hard on her Tibetan, hoping that through her writing and advocacy, she could build understanding and break down bias between Han Chinese and Tibetans. She is a bridge-builder, a peacemaker, and a champion of reconciliation between the Han and Tibetan peoples. Zhang Yadi deserves recognition for promoting ethnic unity, not arrest. We strongly condemn this action and call on the Chinese government to release her immediately. Free Tara!!

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我想介绍我一位出色的中国留学生张雅笛同学，编辑。去年夏天，她回国探亲的时候被捕了，她只有22岁，刚刚大学毕业，我想她可能是第一个因为支持藏人权益而被捕的汉人。她一直在学习藏语，曾经在藏地旅游时亲眼看到藏族的孩子们正在失去说母语的自由和能力，藏文正一点点从街头消失。她常常因为藏人的处境难过到哭泣。她努力学习藏语文，用写作和行动，希望让更多汉人真正了解藏人，消除误解和偏见。在我眼里，她应该拿的是「民族团结进步奖」，而不是面对「煽动分裂国家」的罪名。

When we heard of her arrest, we were full of fear— but this only made our resolve stronger. We now understand that what we are doing is exactly what the CCP fears the most, which means our advocacy is working. We believe that the only way to make real change is to change minds in the Chinese‑speaking world.

In Chinese, we have a saying: 「解铃还需系铃人」。 The CCP created the ethnic tensions between Han Chinese and Tibetans; as the saying goes, the one who tied the bell must be the one to untie it — it is up to the Chinese people to fix what the Party has broken. In the past, Tibet received significant international support — but that is not enough. We need your help to encourage more Chinese people to stand with Tibetans. As Chinese Youth, we have a historical responsibility to Tibet’s future.

得知她被捕的消息，我们都很害怕，但这种恐惧反而让我们的决心更坚定。 我们明白：我们在做的倡导正在起作用，这正是中共最害怕的事情：影响华人对西藏问题的看法。是谁系上的铃，就应该由谁来解开；是我们！要亲手修复被中共破坏的一切。过去，西藏得到了很多国际社会的声援，但这还还不够。我们需要更多的中国人站在藏人一边。作为年轻一代，我们对未来负有历史责任。我常常对身边的中国朋友说：当我们学会帮助别人的时候，我们才能够救自己。

We are a group of young people who speak Chinese and use peaceful methods to build people-to-people connections between Han Chinese and Tibetans and to realize our vision of peace. Yet the Chinese government accuses us of “inciting separatism.” This shows that the Chinese Communist Party cannot represent either Tibetans or Han Chinese. It reveals Beijing’s real position on Tibet: they do not want real understanding between Tibetans and Han Chinese, and they do not want a real solution to the Tibetan issue.

我们是一群说华语的青年，正在用非暴力的方式推动藏汉两族的民间交流，实现我们的和平理想。但是，共产党却用说我们是分裂分子，要逮捕我们。这说明，中国共产党既不能代表藏族，也不能代表汉族。这也暴露了北京在西藏问题上的真实立场：他们既不希望汉藏人民真正相互理解，也不希望西藏问题真正得到解决： 他们不希望达赖喇嘛尊者有一天回到拉萨。

Here, I want to speak to my Tibetan brothers and sisters. You have powerful spiritual strength and amazing organizing ability. You are the older generation of exiles; you can help us, the Chinese, learn how to organize protests, stand together, and build stronger exile communities.

中国共产党正在以我们的名义压迫少数民族，作为汉人，我有责任站出来说一句：这一切，我不同意！我们反对一切形式的民族压迫和强迫同化。当我站在这里发声的时候，我不仅仅是在「帮助别人」，我也是在为汉人正名。 当我们和藏人肩并肩站在一起的时候，我们是在为共同的未来而战。

Tibet cannot be free without a free China, and China cannot be free without resolving the Tibet issue. This flag is a replica of one used by a Tibetan student from Minzu University in Beijing during the 1989 Tiananmen democracy movement. It bears the words “Tibet, Human Rights, Democracy, Freedom” in both Tibetan and Chinese. We hope this flag can become a symbol linking Tibet to China’s freedom and democracy. We also hope Tara can serve as a symbol of the new generation of Chinese people who support all minorities and unite us!

When I stand here, I am not only helping others; I am also reclaiming the true image of the Han people. 为汉人正名， When we stand shoulder to shoulder with our Tibetan brothers and sisters, we are fighting for our shared future. Let’s walk together to Lhasa！ Let us unite. Let us demand justice. We will stand with you! Let us call for a Free Tibet — and a Free China.

Free Tibet !!

Free China !!

2026年3月1日于美国首都华盛顿DC

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English speech:

中文演讲🎤

尊者达赖喇嘛在《中华人民共和国民族团结进步促进法》于2026年3月12日通过之际发表了这份声明，其尤其凸显了当下藏语言与文化处境的紧迫性。该法并不是单纯倡导族群和谐，而是把近年来对少数民族语言、宗教与文化空间的压缩进一步制度化：普通话优先、要求混居、强化国家统一叙事、以及对不符合官方民族团结观念的言行加以惩处。这样的“团结”并非建立在平等以及承认各民族的主体性及差异之上，而以法律制度的手段强行实施民族同化。所谓的“中华民族”欢迎少数民族的服饰、歌舞和象征性展示，却对更深层的语言传承、宗教权威和文化主体性进行限制。

在此情况下，尊者达赖喇嘛发表了这份关于保护藏语言与文化的声明，呼吁藏人社会尤其是年轻一代，进一步重视母语、宗教与文化传统的延续。

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His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued this statement when the Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Promotion of Ethnic Unity and Progress was adopted on March 12, 2026, highlighting in particular the urgent situation facing the Tibetan language and culture. The law is not merely an initiative to promote ethnic harmony; rather, it further institutionalizes, in legal form, the ongoing restrictions imposed in recent years on the linguistic, religious, and cultural spaces of ethnic minorities. These include prioritizing Mandarin Chinese, requirements encouraging mixed-ethnic residential arrangements, reinforcing a singular national narrative, and punitive measures against speech or actions deemed inconsistent with the state’s official conception of ethnic unity.

Such “unity” is therefore not grounded in equality or in the recognition of the agency and diversity of different peoples. Instead, it employs legal mechanisms to advance a project of enforced assimilation. Within this framework, the notion of the so-called “Chinese nation” welcomes the display of minority costumes, songs, dances, and other symbolic cultural expressions, while constraining deeper aspects of cultural life, including the transmission of language, the authority of religious traditions, and the autonomy of cultural identity.

Against this backdrop, His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued the present statement on the protection of the Tibetan language and culture, calling upon Tibetan society—especially the younger generation—to attach renewed importance to the preservation and continuation of their mother tongue, religious traditions, and cultural heritage.

近来，一些藏人政治犯前辈出于真诚的关怀与责任感，以书面和口头的方式郑重向我提出，希望我能对境内外的藏族青年作出一些指引，以使藏民族在文化与语言方面所具有的鲜明独特之处，能够得以延续、不致消亡，并使已经受损的部分有机会恢复。基于这一请求，虽然过去我已多次就这些根本性的事项作过劝勉和鼓励，但这次我仍觉得此事目前格外重要，因此再次加以重申。

Recently, former Tibetan political prisoners, with sincere concern and a strong sense of responsibility, have earnestly requested—both in writing and orally—that I offer guidance to the younger Tibetan generation living both inside and outside Tibet. Their wish is that the distinctive characteristics of the Tibetan people, especially in culture and language, may not decline but be preserved and continued, and that what has already been damaged may be restored. In response to this request, although I have, on many occasions in the past, offered encouragement and advice on these fundamental matters, I feel that the issue is especially important at present and therefore wish to restate it.

世界上各个国家、各个民族，都有各自不同的文化与语言。说到藏文化，追根究底，它与佛法有着极其深厚的联系。我们平常总会祈愿：愿佛陀珍贵的教法广弘兴盛、长久住世。佛陀亲口宣说、传授的《甘珠尔》，对佛陀教言进行释义的《丹珠尔》，萨迦、格鲁、噶举、宁玛等各教派大德的著作，以及每天念诵所使用的经本，都以藏文形式予以保存。若要真正领会这些内容的深意，必须依靠藏文；仅靠其他语言是无法做到的。因此，所有人都应当对藏语言给予特别的重视。

Throughout the world, each country and each people group possesses its own distinct culture and language. When we speak of Tibetan culture, it is ultimately profoundly connected to the Buddha’s teachings. We regularly pray that the precious doctrine of the Buddha may flourish, spread, and endure for a long time. The Buddha’s own spoken teachings preserved in the Kangyur, the commentarial explanations collected in the Tengyur, the writings of great masters of the Sakya, Gelug, Kagyu, and Nyingma traditions, and even the daily prayer texts recited by ordinary people, all exist in Tibetan. The deeper meaning of these can be understood only in Tibetan; it cannot be fully conveyed in other languages. Therefore, everyone must pay special attention to the Tibetan language.

藏民族的本质或形象，并不只是体现在面容与体貌而已，更重要的是在社会生活中被大众接受并实践的那些习俗与技艺，例如藏戏、羌姆、煨桑祭祀、插风马旗、书写文字的方法、藏医、天文历算、歌舞音乐、手工艺、绘画与木刻、日常行止，以及行礼的方式等等，这些都清楚显示出一个民族独有的风貌。虽然藏地三区各自的口音略有差异，但在宗教、文化和语言的一体性之下，大家能够心意相近、凝聚为一体，这一点是藏民族宗教、文化与语言所赐予的恩德，绝不可忘记。

The essence or identity of the Tibetan people is not expressed merely through facial features or physical appearance. Rather, it is revealed in the customs, practices, and arts accepted and lived by people in society. These include, for example, Tibetan opera, cham dances, incense-offering rituals, the raising of prayer flags, styles of writing, Tibetan medicine, astrology, songs and music, craftsmanship, painting and woodcarving, manners of conduct in daily life, and the courteous forms of respect and civility. Through such things, the distinctive character of a people is clearly manifested. Although the three regions of Tibet each have slight differences in accent, the fact that they remain inwardly close and united as one through a shared religion, culture, and language is a blessing bestowed by Tibetan religion, culture, and language, and this should never be forgotten.

再以藏地特有的歌曲和舞蹈表演艺术为例，它们具有不同于其他民族的鲜明风格：既庄重优美，又能增添欢愉；动作流畅而富有韵味；姿态与手势都别具风采；歌唱时带有感染力，音调与声腔也独具特色。正因为这些特质与其他民族相异，才更值得我们我们的珍惜与保护。这样我们才能保留自己的古今风格，不至于混杂掺杂而失去原有特色。

Take, for example, Tibet’s unique traditions of song and dance performance. They possess a style clearly distinct from that of other peoples: dignified and graceful, yet also uplifting and joyful; fluid and lively in movement; refined in posture and hand gestures; and when sung, they carry a special blessing and resonance, with vocal tones and melodies unlike those of others. Precisely because these forms are distinct, they must be cherished and preserved, so that both ancient and modern expressions may each remain in their proper form, without becoming mixed and diluted to the point of losing their original character.

藏人在慈悲仁爱的思想方式、文明礼仪以及语言文字等各个方面，都鲜明地体现出与其他民族不同的特性。早在七世纪、吐蕃第三十三代赞普松赞干布时期，吞弥·桑布扎创制了今天的藏文。这套文字能够与巴利文，尤其是梵文，一词一词地相互对应，因此印度圣地的思想智慧才得以传入藏地。语言学家们也指出，藏文属于世界上形成较早的文字体系之一。由此可见，认识到藏语言文化的重要关键地位，是一件极其重要的事。

In their ways of thinking, rooted in love and compassion; in their refined conduct; and in their language itself, Tibetans possess distinctive qualities that clearly set them apart from other peoples. As early as the seventh century, during the reign of the thirty-third Tibetan king, Dharma King Songtsen Gampo, the scholar Thonmi Sambhota created the Tibetan language as it is used today. This language was fashioned so that it could correspond word by word with Pali and, especially, Sanskrit, thereby making it possible for the wisdom of India’s holy land to enter Tibet. Linguists have also said that Tibetan is among the relatively early-developed writing systems of the world. For this reason, it is of great importance to understand the central significance of the Tibetan language and culture.

到了八世纪，吐蕃第三十八代赞普赤松德赞在位时期，他迎请寂护与和莲花生大师三者齐聚，奠定佛法弘传之根基。当时，对于是否应将佛陀教法完整保留于梵文之中，还是翻译成藏文，曾有过商议。其时，具大恩德的寂护曾明确表示：“藏语是慈悲心的化现之语，因此可以用来承载佛法。” 到了九世纪，在吐蕃第四十二代赞普赤热巴巾时期，又对先前已经译出的经典，依照新订术语加以统一、审定与校正。

像这样能够清楚彰显民族特质的珍贵财富，尤其是藏语言所承载的这一切，如果藏人自己对此轻忽松懈，任其流失，那么将来很可能造成无法弥补的损失。对此，年长一代和有学识的人，应当带头加以引导、鼓励和推动对于藏文化的传承与保护；而年轻人也应当用心重视，认真听取长者的劝导。否则的话，在印度、尼泊尔的藏人只会越来越依赖印地语或尼泊尔语；在西方国家的藏人则会越来越依赖英语；在藏地内的藏人则会越来越依赖汉语。若因为现实生活中的便利和需求而过度使用这些外语，终有一天，我们藏人自己的语言就有完全失传的危险。尤其可悲的是，如果藏人彼此之间都不说藏语，反而必须依赖外语交流，那就没有比这更令人羞愧、也更令人痛心的事了。

因此，我在此郑重呼吁并祈愿：所有藏人都应当出于珍爱自身利益、珍爱自身传统的心，对藏地的宗教、文化与语言怀有深切的责任感，并给予特别的重视。

In the eighth century, during the reign of the thirty-eighth Tibetan king, Dharma King Trisong Detsen, he invited Shantarakshita and Guru Rinpoche to establish the foundations of Buddha Dharma in Tibet. During that time, there was a discussion about whether the Buddha’s teachings should be preserved in Sanskrit or translated into Tibetan. At that time, the greatly beneficent abbot Śāntarakṣita declared: “The Tibetan language is the manifested speech of bodhisattvas; therefore, it is suitable for the Dharma.” Later, in the ninth century, during the reign of the forty-second Tibetan king, Tri Ralpachen, the translations already completed were standardized, systematized, and carefully revised according to newly established terminology.

Such treasures, which clearly express the distinctive identity of an ethnic—especially all that is carried through the Tibetan language—must not be treated lightly by Tibetans themselves. If we become careless and allow them to disappear, irreparable loss may result. Therefore, elders and educated members of the community should take the lead in giving guidance, encouragement, and direction to protect the Tibetan language and tradition, while the younger generation should pay close attention and listen thoughtfully to such advice. Otherwise, Tibetans living in India and Nepal will increasingly rely on Hindi or Nepali; Tibetans living in western countries will increasingly rely on English; and Tibetans living in Tibet will increasingly rely on Chinese. If, for the sake of convenience and practical necessity in daily life, we become too dependent on such languages, then one day there is a real danger that we Tibetans may lose our own language completely. Most regrettable of all would be if Tibetans, among themselves, no longer spoke Tibetan and instead had to rely on foreign languages to communicate. There could be nothing more shameful or more tragic than that.

Therefore, with earnest appeal and prayer, I call upon all Tibetans to cultivate a special concern and a deep sense of responsibility toward Tibetan religion, culture, and language, out of love for their own true interests and heritage.

释迦比丘、说法者：达赖喇嘛
藏历第十七绕迥火马年一月二十三日
公历2026年3月11日

The Sakya monk, speaker of the Dharma: The Dalai Lama
23rd day of the 1st month of the Fire Horse year in the 17th Rabjung cycle
March 11, 2026

Translator: Yuqiao with the help of ChatGPT

Editor: Ginger Duan

原文 Original：

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两年前3月，华语青年挺藏会在线上举办了一场名为Tibet is not Xizang 简谈图博不是西藏 的西藏问题常识扫盲座谈会。我们在此把座谈会涉及到的材料再次整理陈列放出：PPT，链接，录像和行动者文宣……

简要谈谈藏独问题的成因，海外流亡藏人处境，达赖喇嘛为什么出走？310图博抗暴日在纪念什么？我们为什么要走向街头？支持他们需要注意什么？加telegram 群可以参与讨论，会后也有Q&A

注：非专业分享，讲得内容不一定全对~

本次讲座是为了让大家对西藏问题有基本了解，同时也是为了解释为什么我们要开始使用图博一词代替西藏，这事关传统大藏区的整体性和尚未解决的历史问题。

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这是本次分享的Slides幻灯片链接，里面有一些链接引用，还有一些内容因为时间关系没有讲到的，如：桑顶寺的女活佛，自焚地图和四水六岗卫教军。。。。

图博大藏区，三大传统藏区：卫藏，安多和康巴的大致区域

如今的被中国的行政区划分割的五省藏区

中间道路：（来源：藏人行政中央官网）

政教领袖达赖喇嘛为和平解决西藏问题、为汉藏民族在平等互利的基础上维持稳定与和睦相处而提出的一条主张或途径。 也是西藏流亡政府和人民经过民主方式讨论后确定的基本政策。

中间道路，指的是在解决西藏问题的过程中，西藏人既不接受西藏在目前中华人民共和国所处的地位或状态，也不寻求西藏的主权独立地位，而是取中间路线，即在中华 人民共和国的框架范围内寻求整个藏地三区施行名副其实的自主自治。

中间道路是通过放弃极端的立场，从而保证有关各方必要的利益。 对西藏而言，中间道路可以保障西藏的宗教、文化与民族特性之保护、延续与发展；对于中方，中间道路可以保证中国的国家安全与领土的完整统一；而对其他邻国或第三国而 言，中间道路促使边界的安全和宁与和平推进国际外交活动。

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美国 西藏问题法案（H.R. 533) （Promoting a Resolution to the Tibet-China conflict Act）

2024年2 月 15  日在众议院以高票通过由美国国会两党共同推出的西藏问题法案提出将“藏中冲突仍未获得解决”设为美国的官方政策立场，无论中共对西藏议题如何进行歪曲宣传。法案还提出美国应该公开支持藏人享有自决权，并且强调中共当局一直在剥夺藏人行驶这一权利。

《法案》对西藏的地区范围也有着明确的认定，即西藏不仅包括所谓的”西藏自治区”，也包括青海和被划入甘肃、四川、云南的传统藏地。

该法案还强调美国应否定中共长期以来所歪曲宣传的“西藏自古以来就是中国一部分”的说辞，同时授权西藏问题特别协调员办公室就中共对西藏历史、人民和达赖喇嘛尊者所传播的虚假信息进行对抗反驳。

这项法案还明确指出，中国政府与达赖喇嘛尊者未能进行对话，责任在于中方。

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安多弹唱是流传在安多藏区的一种音乐形式，特别是甘肃南部的玛曲地区。来自玛曲的德白བདུད་བྷེ།是安多弹唱的代表性人物，虽然他2016年48岁的时候就去世了，但他生前发表的100多盘磁带和VCD里的歌曲在藏族人民当中广为传唱。

Amdo Dunglen is a musical tradition practiced in the Amdo region of Tibet， particularly in Maqu County in southern Gansu. Dubhe, a native of Maqu, was one of the most representative figures of Amdo Dunglen. Although he passed away in 2016 at the age of 48, the more than one hundred cassette tapes and VCDs he released during his lifetime continue to be widely sung and circulated among Tibetan communities.

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《雪域杜鹃的回声》གངས་ལྗོངས་ཁུ་བྱུག་ཀྱི་གླུ་སྐད是玛曲年轻一代歌手翻唱德白歌曲的一系列录音，由西藏大学的汉族研究生许力戈采录，目前已有三首在Bandcamp等国际音乐平台上线，国内的平台上也已经可以听到这些歌曲。德白在藏区被称为“雪域杜鹃”，因为杜鹃的声音在藏文化中被认为是天籁之音，而《雪域杜鹃的回声》是人们向他致敬的歌声。这些年轻歌手延续着德白的音乐精神，诠释着牧民的生活态度，也保持着人与自然和谐共处的生活方式。

Echoes of the Snowland Cuckoo is a series of recordings featuring a younger generation of singers from Maqu, who reinterpret songs by Dubhe. Xu Lige, a Han Chinese graduate student at Tibet University, collected the recordings. Three tracks have already been released on international music platforms such as Bandcamp, and the songs are also available on domestic platforms. Dubhe is known in Tibetan regions as the “Snowland Cuckoo,” as the cuckoo's call is regarded in Tibetan culture as a heavenly sound. Echoes of the Snowland Cuckoo is thus a musical tribute offered in his honor. Through these songs, the young singers carry forward Dubhe’s musical spirit, express the life attitudes of pastoralists, and sustain a way of living that emphasizes harmony between humans and nature.

安多弹唱是藏族音乐中比较年轻的一种形式，这一点也反映在其对外来乐器曼陀林的使用上。源于意大利的曼陀林被用来伴奏安多藏族歌曲且毫无违和感，让人不得不佩服民间音乐家的创造力。据说是德白的老师华尔贡在七十年代时偶然得到了一把曼陀林，并开始把它用于弹唱，随后曼陀林由于声音悦耳、便于携带、价格低廉而逐渐成为了安多弹唱的主要伴奏乐器。

Amdo Dunglen is a relatively young form within Tibetan music, a fact that is also reflected in its adoption of the mandolin, a foreign instrument. Originating in Italy, the mandolin is used to accompany Amdo Tibetan songs with a striking sense of natural fit, a testament to the creativity of folk musicians. According to oral accounts, Dubhe’s teacher, Palgon, happened to acquire a mandolin in the 1970s and began using it for singing and accompaniment. Owing to its pleasant tone, portability, and low cost, the mandolin gradually became the principal accompanying instrument of Amdo Dunglen.

力戈毕业后打算在藏区从事教育工作，闲暇时间继续收集整理藏族民间音乐。她也将在暑假继续前往玛曲进行录音，等到曲目更丰富的时候将会推出实体专辑。专辑出品方丝丝文化的主理人471说现在先上线三首歌，是为了不让大家等太久——理念上有点像流行音乐里的EP，先发一些曲目引起大家的关注，之后再推出完整的专辑。到时专辑里会有很多文字的内容，包括藏、汉、英三语的歌词、背景介绍、学术研究等等。力戈和471这两位姑娘令人敬佩，我们期待未来安多弹唱专辑的出版，也希望有更多的年轻人像她们一样为民族民间音乐的传播贡献力量。

After graduation, Lige plans to work in education in Tibetan regions while continuing to collect and organize Tibetan folk music in her spare time. She will also return to Maqu County during the summer to carry out further recording sessions and to release a physical album once the repertoire becomes more substantial. The album is being produced by Sisi Culture, whose founder, Siqiyao, explained that releasing three tracks first is meant to keep listeners from waiting too long. Conceptually, this approach resembles the EP format in popular music—issuing a small number of tracks to attract attention before unveiling a full album. The final release will include extensive written materials, such as lyrics in Tibetan, Chinese, and English, background information, and academic research.

Both Lige and Siqiyao are very admirable. We look forward to the publication of future Amdo Dunglen albums and hope that more young people will follow their example by contributing to the preservation and dissemination of ethnic and folk music traditions.

安多弹唱的起源与器乐田野调查

—— 力戈

我第一次接触“安多弹唱”这一音乐形式，是在2018年，地点是在西宁的一家藏族演出场所——当地被称为“朗玛厅”的地方。那里的演出所使用的乐器和旋律风格立刻吸引了我，令我深深着迷。出于好奇，我向演出者询问：“如果我想学习安多弹唱，应该去哪里？”

他们给了我两条重要的建议。
第一，他们建议我前往玛曲县——安多弹唱盛行的核心地区，只有在那里才能真正沉浸在最地道的音乐氛围之中。
第二，他们推荐我系统地学习德白的作品——他是一位备受尊敬的安多弹唱歌手与弹唱艺人。

按照他们的建议，我在2019年独自背着背包踏上了前往当地的旅程，开始了我的民族音乐学田野调查。过去六年里，我逐渐学习并掌握了安多弹唱的歌曲与器乐演奏技法。在这一过程中，我也深刻体会到了当地游牧文化的深厚历史，并收获了许多远远超越音乐本身的珍贵友谊。

为什么选择这三首歌？

这三首歌的选择并没有特别的原因。安多弹唱的曲目极为丰富，每一首歌都有其独特的意义。在录音过程中，我请演唱者自行挑选他们最喜欢、最有情感连接的歌曲进行录制。我希望整个录音过程能够尽量轻松、自然，让每位演唱者都能在舒适的状态下自由表达自我。

注释

什么是安多弹唱？
安多弹唱是一种广泛流传于甘肃、青海、四川等藏区的传统民间音乐形式，通常以藏族弹拨乐器扎念琴或曼陀林伴奏，将歌唱与器乐演奏融为一体，形成独具特色的音乐表达。

为什么聚焦玛曲县？
通过田野调查可以发现，许多最具代表性的安多弹唱艺人都来自玛曲县。因此，这里逐渐被视为安多弹唱保存与传播的重要核心区域。

德白是谁？
德白是来自玛曲县曼日玛乡的著名安多弹唱歌手。他的作品被认为是安多弹唱传统中的经典之作，是学习和理解这一音乐形式不可绕开的关键人物。

Origins of the Amdo Ballad and Instrumental Field Research
- By Lige

My first encounter with Amdo Ballad Singing as a musical form took place in 2018 at a Tibetan performance venue in Xining, Qinghai Province — a type of establishment known locally as a “Langma Hall.” I was immediately captivated by the unique instruments and melodic charm of the music performed there. Out of curiosity, I asked the performers, “If I want to learn Amdo Ballad Singing, where should I go?”

The performers provided me with two key pieces of advice:
First, they suggested I visit Maqu County in Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, the heartland where Amdo Ballad Singing thrives, to fully immerse myself in the authentic musical atmosphere.
Second, they recommended that I study the repertoire of Dubhe, a highly respected Amdo Ballad singer and instrumentalist.
Following their advice, I set off alone in 2019, carrying nothing but a backpack, to embark on an ethnomusicological field study in the region. Over the past six years, I have gradually learned both the songs and the instrumental techniques of Amdo Ballad Singing. Along the way, I have also come to appreciate the rich history of local nomadic culture deeply and gained invaluable friendships that extend far beyond the realm of music.

## Why These Three Songs?
There is no special reason these three songs were chosen. The repertoire of Amdo Ballad Singing is vast, and each song holds its own unique meaning. During the recording process, I asked the performers to select their personal favorites — songs they felt the strongest connection to — and record those selections. I aimed to make the recording process more relaxed and natural, allowing each performer to express themselves as freely and comfortably as possible.

## Footnotes
- What is Amdo Ballad Singing?
Amdo Ballad Singing is a traditional folk music form widely performed across the Tibetan areas of Gansu, Qinghai, and Sichuan. It is characterized by accompaniment on the dranyen (Tibetan lute) or mandolin, blending singing and instrumental performance into a distinctive musical expression.
- Why focus on Maqu County?
Through field research, it became evident that many of the most renowned Amdo Ballad singers hail from Maqu County. As a result, Maqu has become recognized as a core region for the preservation and spread of this musical tradition.
- Who is Dubhe?
Dubhe is a celebrated Amdo Ballad singer from Manrima Township, Maqu County. His works are considered iconic within the Amdo Ballad tradition, making him a pivotal figure for anyone seeking to study and understand this art form.

credits

released May 1, 2025

录音 Recording：力戈 Lige
混音及母带处理 Mixing & Mastering：邓博宇 Deng Boyu
制作人 Producer：力戈 Lige， 施芊蓺 Shi Qianyi
统筹 Project Coordinator： 施芊蓺 Shi Qianyi
摄影 Photography：阿歪 Awai， 力戈 Lige， 钉钉钉 DING, 龙思羽 Nicole L
封面设计 Cover Design：Kay Zeng
歌词页设计 Lyric Page Design：吴彬 Iris Wu
网页设计 Web Design: Kay Zeng， 黄顺 Shun Huang，吴斌 Iris Wu
藏译中翻译 Tibetan/Chinese Translation：拉毛草 Lamaocao
中文编辑 Chinese Text Editor：程宇琦 Cheng Yuqi
鸣谢 Special Thanks：丁路 Ding Lu， 周巧 Zhou Qiao

参考资料

华语青年挺藏会

安多弹唱大师——雪域杜鹃德白的一生

德白 བདུད་བྷེ། Dubhe（Dubai/Dubey/Depe） （1968－2016）出生于甘肃甘南州玛曲县曼日玛镇，是安多地区著名的藏族弹唱歌手。…

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9 months ago · 3 likes · 华语青年挺藏会

See & Sea culture foundation: Echoes of the Snowland Cuckoo 雪域杜鹃的回声

世界声音史 ： 雪域杜鹃的回声（Mu Qian）

本文全部内容均来自公开资料收集

综合编辑：Rinchen 美术设计：Gedun

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达赖喇嘛最小的弟弟，阿里仁波切（又名丹增·确吉）逝世，享年80岁

阿里仁波切，又名丹增·确吉（Ngari Rinpoche, a.k.a, Tenzin Choegyal），即第十四世达赖喇嘛尊者最小的弟弟，于达兰萨拉（Dharamshala）住所“克什米尔小屋”（Kashmir Cottage）辞世，享年80岁。他的离世，标志着一位毕生致力于守护藏地宗教、文化，以及传递流亡藏人政治诉求的人物走完了人生旅程。他不仅是达赖喇嘛尊者的亲人，也是流亡藏人社会中长期投身公共事务、以坦率与直言著称的长者之一。

丹增·确吉于 1946年出生在拉萨。年仅四岁时，他被认定为转世活佛，阿里仁波切的第十六世转世。幼年在拉萨附近寺院及著名的哲蚌寺（Drepung Monastery）接受宗教学习。

1959年3月，十二岁的他随尊者一行逃离藏地，翻越喜马拉雅抵达印度，从此开始流亡生活。抵印后不久，他被送往印度东部大吉岭的寄宿学校接受现代教育，之后到美国进修。

回到达兰萨拉后，他在藏人儿童村（Tibetan Children’s Village）工作，他也在此邂逅了他的妻子仁青·堪卓（Rinchen Khando）。其后，他在流亡体制与公共机构中承担多项职责：曾在尊者办公室与安全相关机构任职，也曾短暂加入印度的特殊边境部队（Special Frontier Force）。他还曾当选为流亡藏人议会议员，参与公共治理与社群事务。

在流亡社群逐渐成形的1970年代，他亦深度参与青年动员与组织工作，他是西藏青年会（Tibetan Youth Congress) 早期的重要领导者，并在 1974–1976 年担任主席，投身推动青年组织发展与公共议题倡议。 该组织现已成为藏人最大的非政府组织，一直坚持以非暴力手段推动图博特独立，并促进藏地文化和宗教传统的发展。

他并不回避自己作为一个普通人的棱角与弱点。一次深度访谈里，他在家中点起一支烟，笑谈自己曾因抽烟被哥哥达赖喇嘛尊者训斥。他甚至把抽烟直言为年轻时的反叛姿态。他会带着戏谑的口吻称呼尊者为“你的同在”（Your Presence），而尊者则会用假装训斥的语气直呼丹增·确吉的全名。这种带着自嘲的坦白，使他在头衔和崇敬之外，显得格外真实。

更难得的是，尽管被视为活佛转世，他公开反感某些过度仪式化、等级化的做法，因为它们容易让上师与僧团、寺院与社区之间出现不必要的隔阂。他也曾以极其尖锐的方式质疑“把个体神化为特殊人物”的观念，强调信仰的意义应回到减少痛苦、培养慈悲与承担责任，而不是制造距离与误解。有趣的是，尽管他被认定为活佛阿里仁波切的转世，他却认为自己是活佛转世的说法是“胡扯”（bullshit），强调每个人都在轮回，自己并不是某个特殊人物。

丹增·确吉的家庭与公共道路亦与其伴侣仁青·堪卓·确吉（Rinchen Khando Choegyal）紧密相连。仁青·堪卓是流亡藏人社会极具影响力的女性公共人物之一：她曾于 1993—2001年间担任流亡政府教育部长，长期推动教育与文化语言传承。她还是“藏人尼姑计划”（Tibetan Nuns Project, TNP）的创办者与长期推动者之一。该项目为流亡女尼提供住宿、医疗与系统教育支持，持续推动女尼教育体系建设与机会扩展。

愿逝者安息。我们纪念他，不只是纪念一位“尊者的弟弟”，更纪念一位在公共生活中坚持坦率、拒绝虚饰、回归人文关怀的藏人长者。

参考资料

1. International Campaign for Tibet： ICT remembers Tendzin Choegyal a.k.a Ngari Rinpoche (International Campaign for Tibet)

2. Phayul： Ngari Rinpoche, the youngest brother of the Dalai Lama, passes away at 80 (Phayul)

3. Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama： Birth to Exile (The 14th Dalai Lama)

4. Tibetan Youth Congress： Centrex 1974–77 (www.tibetanyouthcongress.org)

5. Lion’s Roar： Brothers First (Lion’s Roar)

6. Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile：Eleventh ATPD (Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile)

7. Tibetan Nuns Project： Leadership (Tibetan Nuns Project)

8. Stanford Buddhist Studies： Women in Tibetan Buddhism (Ho Center for Buddhist Studies)

9. Tibetan Nuns Project：Home Page（TNP founded in 1987） (Tibetan Nuns Project)

   

文：Yuqiao 编：GD

Who are they? Why are they in jail?

The names of many Tibetan human rights defenders and political prisoners have not been fully and accurately recorded by human rights organizations and have even been ignored or forgotten. To fill this gap, we at Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet recently compiled and released the latest personal background information on Tibetan political prisoners, hoping to raise awareness of their experiences.

Download in PDF

< < < In the sidebar on the web, you can quickly search and jump to the profile page of individual political prisoners

Our Email: chineseyouthstand4tibet@gmail.com

If you have more information about them or notice any errors or translation issues in the existing information, please feel free to contact us via email. Let their voices be heard, let conscience prevail, and let the truth not be buried!

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西饶 降央列谢 Sherab Jamyang Lekshey
ཤེས་རབ་ འཇམ་དབྱངས་ལེགས་བཤད་

Monk from Dege County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province

The Abbot of Yena Monastery

Charges: Accused of organizing and leading “illegal assembly” and other vague charges.

Sentence: 4 years

Date of arrest: February 2024

Expected release date: March 2028 (The exact release date depends on the officially recognised starting date of the sentence, which may be calculated from the official detention date around March 2025).

Detention Location:

གཡག་རྔ་བཙོན་ཁང་། Ya’an Prison, No. 16 Xinmin South Road, Mingshan District, Ya’an City, Sichuan Province, PR China (Postal Code: 625100)

Case Description:

In February 2024, Chinese authorities launched the Kamto dam project on the Drichu river (or 金沙 Jinsha, in Chinese) in Dege County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan, planning to forcibly relocate at least two villages and demolish six monasteries in the Wangbuding area of Kamto Township, including Yena Monastery and Wontoe Monastery, both dating back to the 13th–14th centuries.

Beginning on 14 February 2024, monks and laypeople from the area held continuous peaceful petitions in front of the Dege County government, calling for the cancellation of the hydropower project site, protection of the local ecological environment and cultural heritage, and an end to forced relocations. Videos of the protests briefly circulated on Chinese platforms such as Douyin, WeChat, and Weibo before being censored, but were reposted on international platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook, drawing global media attention.

Video footage showed Jamyang Lekshey, the abbot of Yena Monastery, kneeling with large numbers of monks and laypeople and raising their thumbs in a gesture of supplication, pleading with the local Chinese Communist Party authorities to cancel the project, but these appeals went unanswered.

On 22 February 2024, as the protests grew to involve more than a thousand participants, the authorities launched a violent crackdown, deploying large numbers of police, arresting hundreds of Tibetans, cutting off internet and communications in Dege County, and barring outsiders from entering the area.

During this period, Jamyang Lekshey continued to support and participate in the peaceful protests in order to protect the cultural heritage and precious religious artifacts of Yena Monastery; because all the monks of the monastery strongly opposed relocation, Yena Monastery was placed under “centralized rectification,” and Jamyang Lekshey, together with monastery administrator Gonpo Tsering and other monks, was taken away for so‑called “re‑education.”

Reports indicate that during interrogation, Jamyang Lekshey and many other detainees were beaten, with some suffering injuries serious enough to require hospital treatment; after about one month, most detainees were released on bail, but Jamyang Lekshey and a small number of others remained in custody and were formally arrested.

The authorities accused them of being the main organizers and leaders of the protests against the Gantu Dam project and stated that they must be “severely punished.”; on 17 June 2025, the Dege County People’s Court in Garzê Prefecture sentenced Jamyang Lekshey to four years’ imprisonment on unspecified charges, and he is currently serving this sentence in Ya’an Prison in Sichuan Province.

贡布次仁 Gonpo Tsering
མགོན་པོ་ཚེ་རིང་།

A native of Dege County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province
Monk， Administrator of Yena Monastery

Charges: Accused of “leading and organizing illegal gatherings”, along with other vaguely defined charges.

Sentence: Three years

Expected release date: March 2027, subject to the officially recognized starting date of the sentence.

Detention Location: Believed to be held at

Believed to be held at གཡག་རྔ་བཙོན་ཁང་། Ya’an Prison No. 16 Xinmin South Road, Mingshan District, Ya’an City, Sichuan Province, PR China (Postal Code: 625100)

Case Description:
In February 2024, Chinese authorities launched the Gangtuo Hydropower Project on the Jinsha River in Dege County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, planning to forcibly relocate and demolish at least six monasteries—including Wangdui Monastery and Yena (Yinnan) Monastery, both dating back to the 13th–14th centuries—as well as two villages, Shangwangtuo and Shipa, thereby endangering large numbers of irreplaceable historical relics and ancient murals preserved in these monasteries and directly impacting the livelihoods of around 2,000 local residents.
Beginning on 14 February 2024, monks and lay residents from Wangbuding Township in Gantu Town repeatedly went to the Dege County government offices to stage peaceful petitions, calling for a halt to construction of the Gangtuo dam in Gantu so as to prevent damage to the ecological environment and cultural heritage, and opposing costly forced relocations; videos of these protests briefly circulated on Chinese social media platforms such as Douyin, WeChat, and Weibo before being deleted, but were reposted on X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook, drawing international media attention.

Publicly available footage shows monks in dark red robes standing or kneeling with their hands clasped in prayer, begging officials to cancel the project, while other Tibetans also kneel and cry out; the officials present remained indifferent to their appeals and walked away.
On 22 February 2024, as the protests continued, the authorities deployed large numbers of police to carry out a violent crackdown, during which hundreds of Tibetans were detained in mass arrests and internet and telecommunications services in Dege County were completely shut down.
During this period, in his capacity as an administrator of Yena Monastery, Gonpo Tsering actively supported and took part in the peaceful petitions in order to protect the monastery’s cultural history and precious religious artifacts from destruction; because the monks of Yena Monastery firmly opposed relocation, the monastery was placed under “centralized rectification,” and Gonpo Tsering, together with abbot Sherab Jamyang Lekshey and several other monks, was taken away for so‑called “re‑education.”
Reports state that during interrogation, most detainees were beaten, with some sustaining injuries serious enough to require medical treatment; after about one month, most of those arrested were released on bail, but Gonpo Tsering and a small number of others remained in detention on accusations of “leading protests against the Gangtuo Dam project” in Dege County.

On 17 June 2025, it was learned that the Dege County Court in Garzê Prefecture had sentenced Gonpo Tsering to 3 years’ imprisonment on unspecified charges; further reports indicate that after being transferred to prison he was subjected to severe torture, resulting in serious brain injuries, loss of eyesight, inability to speak, and inability to swallow food, and that he was urgently taken to West China Hospital in Chengdu for treatment, after which he is believed to have been returned to custody and remains imprisoned in Ya’an Prison.

FREE TIBET｜Head of Tibetan monastery in critical condition after torture following dam protest
CTA｜Profiling Tibetan Political Prisoners – Gonpo Tsering

岗·次仁卓玛 Gang Tsering Drolma
གངས་ཚེ་རིང་སྒྲོལ་མ།

A native of Gangza Village, Daze Township, Serta County, Garze Prefecture, Sichuan Province

Charges：
“Crime of Splitting the State”
Sentence: 8 years
Expected release date: April 4, 2029
Detention Location: Sichuan Women’s Prison, No. 261 Chuanxiang Road, Yangma Subdistrict, Eastern New Area of Chengdu, Sichuan Province, PRC (Postal Code: 641402)

Case Description:
Gang Tsering Drolma, born in 1997, is a Tibetan female writer and human rights defender from Gangzha Village, Daze Township, Sêrtar County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province. Raised in a traditional Tibetan family, she is married and has two sons. Driven by a deep attachment to her ethnic culture, Gang Tsering Drolma has long been concerned with and actively engaged in issues related to cultural preservation, education, and human rights in Tibet.
In 2008, around the 49th anniversary of the March 10, 1959 Tibetan uprising, widespread peaceful protests took place across Tibet, including the Tibet Autonomous Region, Gannan Prefecture in Gansu, and Ngawa Prefecture in Sichuan. Some Tibetan social activists, writers, and scholars participated in these events.
On June 1, 2008, Gang Tsering Drolma and her father, Suoluo, were arrested by authorities for participating in peaceful protests in Sêrtar County, Garzê Prefecture. During her detention, she was reportedly subjected to prolonged beatings by prison guards, resulting in a broken pelvic bone and other severe injuries. Even after her release, she continued to suffer long-term consequences of torture, including memory loss, mental disorientation, and persistent physical pain.
Following her release, she remained under strict surveillance by authorities in Garzê Prefecture. On dates deemed politically sensitive by the government, she was repeatedly required to report to the local police station and was prohibited from leaving her home area.
In 2012, she was again arrested together with her father for protesting the Chinese authorities’ repressive policies toward Tibetans. During interrogation and detention, she was once more subjected to severe beatings and torture, causing further deterioration of her health.
On April 2, 2021, Gang Tsering Drolma was detained again by police in Sêrtar County, Ngawa Prefecture, on suspicion of “Crime of Splitting the State,” along with five other Tibetan writers and activists in a combined case. They were later formally arrested on the same charges.

CTA｜西藏政治犯简介 — 岗•次仁卓玛

获刑8年的藏族女作家岗·仁卓玛的案情及简历

中国政治犯关注｜崗•次仁卓瑪（女）（CPPC編號：01398）

果·喜饶嘉措 Go Sherab Gyatso
སྒོ་ཤེས་རབ་རྒྱ་མཚོ།

Also known as：Goshe
Sichuan Aba Prefecture, Aba County, a monk, a famous writer

Charges：Accused of “Crime of Inciting Splitting of the State”

Date of arrest： October, 26, 2020

Sentence: 10 years in prison, with the sentence set to expire in 2030.

Detention Location: Chushur Prison, Lhasa Prefecture, Tibet Autonomous Region, PRC (Postal Code: 850600)

Current status: He is currently not in good health while in prison.

Case Description:
Go Sherab Gyatso, born on September 9, 1976, in Aba County, Sichuan Province, became a monk at Gelden Monastery at a young age and later studied at Drepung Monastery and Sera Monastery in Lhasa, Tibet. He has long been dedicated to preserving the environment, religion, language, and culture of the Tibetan region, and has published multiple works on Buddhist philosophy and Tibetan culture, earning respect among young Tibetans. However, this drew the attention and persecution of Chinese authorities.
On March 20, 1998, he was detained by Sichuan authorities for participating in protests against the forced “patriotic re-education” of monks in Aba, sentenced to 3 years and 8 months, and served his term in Mianyang Prison, where he suffered abuse and contracted chronic lung disease. Prior to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, he was detained again following large-scale protests in Lhasa, Tibet, and sentenced to 1 year. In 2011, for publishing works criticizing the Chinese government’s suppression of Tibetans, he was cross-provincially detained by Sichuan State Security and held in Chengdu Detention Center.
After his release, between 2013 and 2016, he continued his research on Tibetan Buddhism, visited multiple monasteries in Tibet, and studied Western philosophy at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangdong, moving relatively freely. On October 26, 2020, while seeking medical treatment for his chronic lung disease in Chengdu, he was detained by the Tibet Autonomous Region State Security Bureau on suspicion of “Crime of Inciting Splitting of the State.” In March 2021, the Lhasa City Court tried him for “Crime of Inciting Splitting of the State,” and in December 2021, he was sentenced to 10 years, with a term ending on October 25, 2030.

中国政治犯关注｜果·喜饒嘉措（CPPC編號：01116）
CTA｜ 西藏政治犯简介— 果·喜饶嘉措

岗布优博 Gangbu Yudrum
གངས་བུ་གཡུ་བྷྲུཾ།

A native of Gengpen Village, Raktram Township, Serta County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, a monk at Raktram Gon.
Charges: Accused of “Crime of Inciting Splitting of the State”
Sentence: 7 years

Expected release on March 21, 2028.

Detention Location: Mianyang Prison, No. 269 Yuzhong South Road, Mianyang, Sichuan Province, PRC (Postal Code: 621000)
He entered Raktram Gön as a child and has long been devoted to preserving Tibetan culture, traditional beliefs, and education, actively advocating for these causes.
In 2008, he participated in peaceful protests across Tibet and held a banned Tibetan flag in his hometown of Sêrtar County, calling for the Chinese government to allow the 14th Dalai Lama to return to Tibet. He was arrested and sentenced to 3 years in prison, and released on February 19, 2011.
After his release, he co-founded a protest group, the “Anti-Red Organization” or “Tibetan Youth Anti-Communist Organization,” which organized protests throughout Tibetan regions. On May 14, 2012, he was again arrested and sentenced to two years in prison, released in 2014. Upon release, he was warmly welcomed by his local community, who hailed him as a “fighter for Tibetan truth.” He also wrote letters to encourage Tibetans not to give up hope and to continue efforts to free Tibet from Beijing’s control.

On March 22, 2021, Gambu Yudrum was forcibly detained again by Sêrtar County authorities and subsequently disappeared. In September 2022, he, along with five other Tibetan-language writers, political activists, and human rights defenders, was tried at the Garzê Prefecture Intermediate Court in Sichuan Province. All six were convicted of “Crime of Inciting Splitting of the State,” receiving prison terms ranging from 4 to 14 years.

中國政治犯關注 崗布優博（CPPC編號：01401）

维权网｜获刑7年的四川省甘孜藏族自治州人僧侣岗布优博的案情及简历

岗吉·志巴加 Gangkye Drubpa Kyab
གངས་སྐྱེས་སྒྲུབ་པ་སྐྱབས།

pen name: “Blood-fire Lion” (Tibetan “Gangwaida”)
A famous writer and former teacher at a private school in Haxie Township, Sêrtar County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan.

Charges: He has been charged multiple times by the authorities with crimes, including “splitting the nation”. The reasons cited include writing and publishing books and periodicals concerning Tibet’s fate and situation, as well as allegations of establishing “anti-Red organizations/anti-Red resistance groups.”

Sentence: 14 years (second major sentence)

Expected release date: 22 March 2035

Detention Location: Currently believed to be held at Deyang Prison, Huangxu Town, Jingyang District, Deyang City, Sichuan Province, PRC (Postal Code: 618007).

Case Description:

Gangkye Drubpa Kyab is a famous writer. His works in Tibetan include “The Cry of Fate,” “The Pain of the Times,” “Today’s Tears,” and “The 2008 Nationwide Red Blood Book,” among others, and he independently edited the Tibetan-language journals “The Color of Time” and “Pure White Khata,” covering fiction, essays, commentary, and poetry that express profound attachment to Tibetan culture, religion, and homeland.

Although most of his writings did not explicitly address topics officially labelled as highly sensitive, two short poems describing the suffering of Tibetans during the 2008 crackdown in Tibet and the hardship ordinary people face amid rampant corruption and profiteering quickly alarmed the authorities, who placed him under tight surveillance and targeted him for repression.

On 15 February 2012, he was suddenly detained by police in Sershul County, and later formally arrested by the Yajiang County Procuratorate on suspicion of ““Crime of Splitting the State,” accused of being a “Tibetan activist” and of having established an “anti-red organization,” with his writings and activities said to have violated state laws and regulations.

On 1 August 2013, his case was tried in a court in Garzê Prefecture, and on 16 September 2013, the Yajiang County Court sentenced him to 5 years and 6 months in prison for “Crime of Splitting the State,” after which he was transferred to a prison in Sershul County to serve his term.

On 16 September 2016, he was released early after a sentence reduction, but the next day, he was again detained for 17 days by Sershul County police for placing a portrait of the Dalai Lama on his head, which the authorities cited as evidence of a “bad attitude toward repentance.”

On 23 March 2021, he was arrested once more by police in Sershul County on suspicion of ““Crime of Splitting the State,” this time in connection with several books and periodicals he had authored about Tibet’s destiny and political situation, and with the founding of a “Red-resistance organization”; five other Tibetan writers and social activists from the same area were detained on similar charges.

In September 2022, the group of six was tried at the Garzê Prefecture Intermediate People’s Court in Sichuan, and all were convicted of “Crime of Splitting the State,” receiving sentences ranging from 4 to 14 years, with Gangkye Drubpa Kyab given the heaviest term of 14 years, to run until 22 March 2035.

During his first imprisonment, he was reportedly subjected to severe torture, and his health deteriorated so badly that the prison was eventually compelled to release him early; after release, his physical and mental condition remained fragile, with serious mental health problems, rapid deterioration of vision and memory, and severely impaired kidney and stomach function, leading to grave concerns about his current health in prison.

维权网：被中共当局判刑14年的藏族知名作家岗吉•志巴加的案情及简历

桑珠 Samdu བསམ་འགྲུབ་

Writer from Kego Township, Seda County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province

Charges: Accused on multiple occasions of engaging in “separatist activities” and “endangering national security”.

Sentence: Sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment, with an additional two years’ deprivation of political rights in the latest conviction

Expected release date: 4 April 2029

Detention Location:

Currently believed to be held at Deyang Prison, Huangxu Town, Jingyang District, Deyang City, Sichuan Province, PR China (Postal Code: 618007)

Case Description:
Samdu, born in 1981 and originating from Kego Township in Seda County, Sichuan Province, is a Tibetan-language writer and political dissident active in Tibetan areas. He has long focused on the situation in Tibet and the fate of the Tibetan people.
On 13 June 2012, for his involvement in Tibet-related activities and alleged association with the local civilian group Marchung Ngogol Tsokpa, Samdu was criminally detained by Seda County police on suspicion of engaging in “political activities opposing CCP rule in Tibet,” and was later formally arrested on charges including “conducting a Tibetan resistance movement” and “establishing an anti-red resistance organization.”
On 1 August 2013, the Kangding Intermediate People’s Court of Garzê Prefecture sentenced him to five years’ imprisonment and two years’ deprivation of political rights on charges of “splitting the state and endangering national security.” He was transferred to Seda County Prison to serve his sentence. On 19 August 2016, he was released early following a sentence reduction, but was reportedly taken away again by police on the day of his release and subjected to 17 days of administrative detention.

On 5 April 2021, Samdu was again criminally detained by Seda County police on suspicion of “Crime of Splitting the State.” Five other Tibetan writers and social activists from Seda and Drango counties were detained in the same case. In September 2022, the case was tried by the Garzê Prefecture Intermediate People’s Court, resulting in prison sentences ranging from four to fourteen years. Samdu received an eight-year sentence, with a term lasting until 4 April 2029. The case is widely viewed as a typical political prosecution aimed at suppressing Tibetan expression and grassroots organizations.

塞朗 Seynam
སྲས་རྣམ།

A native of Ranchong Township, Serta County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province

Charges: He was charged with political offences, including “separatism”

Sentence: 6 years

Date of arrest: 23 March 2021

Expected release date: If calculated from 23 March 2021, the term is expected to run until around 22 March 2027 (subject to the officially recognised starting date of the sentence)

Detention Location:
Currently believed to be held at Mianyang Prison, 269 Yuzhong South Road, Fucheng District, Mianyang City, Sichuan Province, PR China (Postal Code: 621050)
Seynam was born in Ranchong Township, Serta County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province. He has long been engaged in Tibetan education and is also known for his involvement in environmental protection, and is regarded locally as someone committed to both cultural preservation and ecological wellbeing.
Prior to his current sentence, he was administratively detained for 15 days by Seda police around September 2022, together with ten other Tibetans, after authorities declared a meeting he organised titled “On the Health of Parents in the Snowland” (གངས་ཅན་ཕ་མའི་བདེ་ཐང་གླེང་བ་) to be “illegal.”

On 23 March 2021, Seynam was formally arrested by Chinese police. The precise trigger for this arrest has never been clearly disclosed, but it is understood to be closely linked to his sustained involvement in Tibetan education and environmental protection initiatives. He was subsequently charged with political offences, including “separatism,” and sentenced to six years in prison, making his case another notable example of harsh repression against Tibetans for non-violent civic and community engagement in recent years.

西藏色达县与炉霍县6名藏人被控“分裂国家”而遭判4至14年徒刑
CTA official :西藏政治犯简介 （七）— 塞朗

扎西达杰 Tashi Dhargyal

Monk of Drango Monastery, Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province

Charges: Accused of being a “principal leader of the Drango protests” for actively participating in the large-scale peaceful demonstrations in Drango County on 23 January 2012, opposing the authorities’ forceful implementation of “patriotic and legal education” campaigns in Tibet.

Sentence: 14 years

Date of arrest: March 2012

Expected release date: March 2026

Detention Location:

康定县监狱（四川省甘孜州康定县新都桥镇，邮政编码：626000）
Kangding County Prison, Xinduqiao Town, Kangding County, Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province, PR China (Postal Code: 626000)

Case Description:

On 23 January 2012 (the first day of the Tibetan New Year), large-scale peaceful demonstrations by Tibetans erupted in Drango County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, in response to the Chinese authorities’ forceful implementation of “patriotic and legal education” campaigns in Tibetan areas. The protests were met with severe armed repression, resulting in multiple deaths and injuries, and the arrest of hundreds of people.

By 8 November 2012, at least 36 individuals had been sentenced to prison terms ranging from one year and eight months to life imprisonment, while several others reportedly disappeared after being detained. As a monk of Drango Monastery, Tashi Dhargyal actively participated in the peaceful demonstrations and was taken away from the monastery by police in March 2012 for criminal detention.

On 26 January 2013, the Drango County Court of Garzê Prefecture conducted a secret trial and sentenced him to 14 years’ imprisonment on the charge of being a “principal leader of the Drango protests.” His right to legal defence was restricted, the proceedings were closed to the public, and details of the case were withheld from the outside world for many years.

The Drango protests were among the major waves of unrest that swept Tibetan areas in 2012, rooted in widespread resentment toward intensified political indoctrination by the authorities. Following his arrest, Tashi Dhargyal has been held for a prolonged period and is currently serving his sentence in Kangding County Prison. He is expected to be released in March 2026, while serious concerns persist regarding his health condition and treatment in detention.

RFA : 四川炉霍五藏人被判刑 甘肃夏河藏人在藏历年磕长头声援同胞（组图）

白玛益西 Pema Yeshi

Farmer from Nyagrong County, Garzê, Sichuan Province

Charges: Inciting secession; Disrupting social order.

Sentence: Death with a two-year reprieve. This was later commuted to life imprisonment.

Expected Release Date: As he is serving a life sentence, there is no definite expected release date.

Detention Location: Deyang Prison in Sichuan Province (Deyang Prison, Huangxu Town, Deyang City, Sichuan Province, postal code 618007).

案情说明（Case Description):

Pema Yeshi drew the attention of authorities for actively participating in a farming strike movement and for his refusal to take part in officially organized Tibetan New Year activities.

On February 28, 2009, authorities accused him of involvement in a protest in Nyagrong County, during which leaflets calling for Tibetan independence were distributed. Clashes reportedly broke out between police and demonstrators, and a township government office building caught fire.

On March 11, 2009, Nyagrong County police arrested Pema Yeshi and placed him in criminal detention on suspicion of “inciting secession” and “disrupting social order.”

On November 17, 2009, the Garzê Prefecture Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to death with a two-year reprieve; the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. He is currently incarcerated at Deyang Prison in Sichuan Province.

中国政治犯关注｜白瑪益西（Pema Yeshi）（CPPC編號：00254）

索南公保 Solnam Gonpo

From Nyagrong(Xinlong) County, Garzê, Sichuan Province

Cook at a primary school

Charges: Inciting secession; Disrupting social order.

Sentence: Life Imprisonment.

Expected Release Date: As he is serving a life sentence, there is no definite expected release date.

Detention Location: Deyang Prison, Deyang Prison, Huangxu Town, Deyang City, Sichuan Province, (postal code 618007).

案情说明 Case Description:
Solnam Gonpo reportedly drew the attention of authorities for actively participating in a boycott-farming movement and resisting Tibetan New Year celebrations controlled by the Chinese Communist Party.

On February 28, 2009, authorities suspected him of involvement in a protest in Tangji Township (phonetic transliteration), Nyagrong County, in which demonstrators distributed leaflets and called for Tibetan independence. Clashes reportedly broke out between police and protesters that day, and a township government office building caught fire.
On March 11, 2009, Nyagrong County police forcibly arrested Solnam Gonpo and placed him in criminal detention on suspicion of “inciting secession” and “disrupting social order,” holding him at a detention center in Chengdu, Sichuan.

On November 17, 2009, the Garzê Prefecture Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to life imprisonment on the two charges. He is currently incarcerated at Deyang Prison in Sichuan Province.

中国政治犯关注｜白瑪益西（Pema Yeshi）（CPPC編號：00254）

强巴旺秋 Jampel Wangchuk
འཇམ་དཔལ་དབང་ཕྱུག

Native of Sotu Township, Banpo Longdu County, Tibet
Senior monk and disciplinary officer at Loseling Monastery, Drepung Monastic University, Lhasa; scholar monk

Charges: Specific charges not disclosed

Sentence: In June 2010, secretly sentenced to life imprisonment by the Lhasa Intermediate Court after approximately two years of extended detention; the right to legal defence was reportedly denied

Expected release date: Life imprisonment; no definite release date

Detention Location: Chushur Prison, Lhasa Prefecture, Tibet Autonomous Region, PRC (Postal Code: 850600)

Case Description:
Jampel Wangchuk, born in 1959, became a monk at a young age and studied extensively at Loseling Monastery, Drepung Monastic University in Lhasa. He was a primary disciple of Lamrim Rinpoche, with deep knowledge of Tibetan Buddhism, and was recognized by the monastery as a senior monk and disciplinary officer.

In March 2008, large-scale protests led by monks erupted across Tibet, expressing dissatisfaction with the Chinese authorities’ long-standing repression. Around 10 March, approximately 350 monks at Drepung Monastery initiated further protests, spreading unrest across Lhasa and into Tibetan areas of Sichuan and Qinghai; police responded forcefully, and some monks were arrested.
On 11 April 2008, Jampel Wangchuk was criminally detained by Lhasa police for alleged “participation in protests” and subsequently disappeared. Fellow monks Gongjue Nima and Awang Jue were also detained. Although he did not directly participate in the protests, authorities claimed he failed to prevent monks at his monastery from organizing large-scale demonstrations, thereby violating regulations. In June 2010, after approximately two years of extended detention, the Lhasa Intermediate Court secretly sentenced him to life imprisonment, denying his right to legal defence; his health and conditions in prison have remained unknown.

CTA｜Profiling Tibetan Political Prisoners – Jampel Wangchuk

洛迪嘉措 Lodoe Gyamtso

Native of Soka Village, RogdaTownship, Sog County, Nagqu Prefecture, Tibet Autonomous Region

Charges: Accused of “leaking state secrets” and related charges

Sentence: 18 years

Date of arrest: 28 January 2018

Expected release date: 27 January 2036

Detention Location:

Tibet Autonomous Region Prison, No. 6 Zaki Road, Chengguan District, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850003)

Case Description:

Lodoe Gyamtso, born in 1962 in Soka Village, Rogda Township, Sog County, Nagqu Prefecture, came into conflict with authorities in the early 1990s due to personal and family circumstances. On 17 January 1993, he was sentenced to 15 years for fatally injuring a driver in self‑defence. During imprisonment, he protested by shouting slogans such as “Tibet Independence” and “China out of Tibet” and distributing handwritten flyers, resulting in an additional 6 years, and was held at Zaqi Prison and Qushui Prison in Lhasa. He was released in May 2013 but placed under house arrest for 4 years.

From 2015 onwards, Lodoe Gyamtso faced renewed surveillance and detention for publicly criticizing authorities over forcing Tibetans to wear traditional animal‑skin garments, restricting monks’ return to home areas, interfering with local livelihoods, and curtailing religious freedom. On 28 January 2018, he was detained after organizing a protest described as a “World Peace Movement” in front of the Potala Palace and sharing related videos online. In April 2019, the Nagqu Intermediate Court sentenced him to 18 years for “leaking state secrets,” with the term ending 27 January 2036. He is currently serving his sentence at Tibet Autonomous Region Prison, Lhasa.

多吉扎西 Dorje Tashi
རྡོ་རྗེ་བཀྲ་ཤིས།

An entrepreneur born in Lhasa in 1973.

Charges: Accused of secretly supporting Tibetan protesters and providing donations to the Tibetan exile community; also charged with “loan fraud”

Sentence: life imprisonment

Date of arrest: 10 July 2008

Expected release date: Life imprisonment; no definite release date

Detention Location:

Tibet Autonomous Region Prison, No. 6 Zaki Road, Chengguan District, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850003)

案情说明 Case Description:
Dorje Tashi, born in 1973, is a prominent Lhasa entrepreneur, owner of Yak Hotel, and active in real estate and trade. He joined the Chinese Communist Party in 2003 and was recognized as one of the “Top Ten Outstanding Youth in Tibet,” receiving multiple honors. Following protests across Tibet in 2008, he was accused of secretly supporting Tibetans participating in demonstrations and providing donations to the Tibetan exile community.

On 17 May 2010, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for “loan fraud” by the Lhasa Intermediate Court, and all his assets were confiscated. The case is widely regarded as politically motivated, with some suggesting he became a victim of local officials’ power struggles. While in prison, he suffered torture, including beatings with electric batons, chili paste forced into his nose, suspension by handcuffs, and deprivation of food, and his family and lawyers were denied access. He filed two appeals: the first was delayed six years before being rejected, and the second was refused outright.

丹增曲培 Tenzin Choephel
བསྟན་འཛིན་ཆོས་འཕེལ།

Charges: “inciting separatism,” “illegally transmitting intelligence overseas,” and “financing activities endangering state security.”

Sentence: 18 years in prison, deprived of political rights for 5 years, and had all personal assets confiscated.

Detention Location: Qushui Prison, Lhasa City / Niedang Township, Qushui County, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850600)

案情说明 Case Description:

Tenzin Choephel, a renowned entrepreneur and philanthropist from Daqian Township, Seni District, Nagchu, Tibet Autonomous Region, was detained by Chinese authorities at Lhasa Gonggar Airport on March 30, 2018.

He was held in solitary confinement for over a year before being sentenced on May 24, 2019, on charges of “inciting separatism,” “illegally transmitting intelligence overseas,” and “financing activities endangering state security.” His family’s appeal was rejected. Known for his work in protecting Tibetan culture and the environment, promoting unity, and assisting the poor, Tenzin Choephel was highly respected across Tibet. He is currently imprisoned at Qushui Prison near Lhasa Downtown.

罗让贡求 Lorang Kunchok

A native of Aba County, Aba Prefecture, Sichuan Province

Monk of Kirti Monastery, Ngawa (Aba) County

Charges: Accused of “inciting self-immolation and murder”; convicted of “intentional homicide.”

Sentence: Death penalty with a two-year reprieve, deprivation of political rights for life

Date of arrest: 13 August 2012

Expected release date: Death sentence with two-year reprieve, currently serving; no fixed release date

Detention Location: Currently believed to be held at Deyang Prison, Huangxu Town, Jingyang District, Deyang City, Sichuan Province, PRC (Postal Code: 618007).

案情说明 Case Description:
Lorang Kunchok, born in 1972 in Ngawa (Aba) County, Sichuan Province, is a monk of Kirti Monastery and a Garanba Geshe. Since 2009, he has been in contact with the exiled Tibetan organization “Kirti Monastery News Liaison Group” and provided them with video on self-immolated monks, including Tapey, which drew the authorities’ ire. In August 2012, following multiple self-immolation incidents in Ngawa County that alarmed the authorities, he was accused of using his Geshe status to incite, coerce, and encourage multiple self-immolations among monks, and of passing related information to overseas organizations to support separatist activities. On 13 August 2012, he was detained by Ngawa County police on charges of “inciting self-immolation and murder” and later formally arrested. On 31 January 2013, the Ngawa Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to death with a two-year reprieve and deprivation of political rights for life. He is currently believed to serve his sentence in Deyang Prison in Sichuan Province.

洛桑格培 Lobsang Gephel

A native of Second Brigade, Maierma Township, Ngawa (Aba) County, Sichuan Province, China; monk of Kirti Monastery

Charges: Accused of engaging in illegal activities for privately celebrating the 80th birthday of the Dalai Lama on 30 November 2015

Sentence: 12 years in prison

Date of arrest: 30 November 2015

Expected release date: 29 November 2027

Detention Location:

Mianyang Prison, 269 Yuzhong South Road, Fucheng District, Mianyang City, Sichuan Province, PR China (Postal Code: 621050)

案情说明 Case Description:

Lobsang Gephel, a monk of Kirti Monastery from Ngawa (Aba) County, Amdo, Tibet, was arrested on 30 November 2015 for privately celebrating the 80th birthday of the Dalai Lama and subsequently detained. He was formally charged by the local prosecutor for “preparing and participating in the Dalai Lama’s 80th birthday celebration” and secretly sentenced to 12 years in prison by the Ngawa Intermediate Court on 6 December 2016, with a term expected to end on 29 November 2027.

He had previously been detained in May 2011 for political reasons and sentenced to 3 years in prison, being released early in December 2013. In July 2014, during traditional birthday celebrations for the Dalai Lama, many Tibetans were arrested by authorities; Lobsang Gephel was again detained for his participation and has since been imprisoned, with family visits repeatedly denied and reports of extortion by an unidentified Chinese speaker.

次成加措 Tsultrim Gyatso

A native of Jiujia Township, Xiahe County, Gannan Prefecture, Gansu Province, monk at Labrang Monastery

Charges: Convicted of “splitting the country.”

Sentence: Life imprisonment (later reduced to 19 years), Deprivation of political rights for 7 years

Date of arrest: 22 May 2008

Expected release date: Originally sentenced to life imprisonment, which was reduced to 19 years in 2014, and then further reduced by 6 months in April 2020, He will possibly be released early in 2026.

Detention Location:

Tianshui Prison, 196 Jianshe Road, Qin District, Tianshui City, Gansu Province, PR China (Postal Code: 741000)

案情说明 Case Description:

Tsewang Gyatso, born in 1972 in Jiujia Township, Xiahe County, Gannan Prefecture, Gansu Province, is a monk at Labrang Monastery. On 15 March 2008, dissatisfied with Chinese government policies, a large-scale Tibetan protest broke out in Gannan. Tsewang Gyatso participated in demonstrations at Labrang Monastery on 14-15 May, calling for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet.

Identified as a protest leader, he fled the monastery but was arrested by Gannan authorities on 22 May 2008. On 21 May 2009, the Gannan Intermediate Court sentenced him to life imprisonment for “splitting the country” and deprived him of political rights for 7 years. His appeal was denied, and during detention, he was tortured, with lawyer and family visitation rights revoked.

In 2014, his sentence was reduced to 19 years due to good behavior, with a term ending on 21 May 2033. In April 2020, his sentence was further reduced by 6 months, and he is expected to be released early in 2026. He is currently held at Tianshui Prison in Gansu Province.

曲嘉旺波 Choegyal Wangpo

A native from Zhana Village, Dingri County, Shigatse City, Tibet Autonomous Region; Tibetan Buddhist monk

Charges: Endangering national security

Sentence: 20 years

Sentencing date: July 2020

Expected release date: September 2039

Detention Location:

Suspected to be detained in Tibet Autonomous Region Prison, No. 6 Zaki Road, Chengguan District, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850003)

案情说明 Case Description:

Choegyal Wangpo, born in 1973 in Zhana Village, Dingri County, Shigatse City, Tibet Autonomous Region, is a Tibetan Buddhist monk and philanthropist. In August 2019, while visiting Lhasa, he accidentally left his mobile phone at a café, where it was handed over to the police. Upon examining the device, authorities discovered that he had contact with Tibetan monks in Nepal, possessed photos and documents related to the Dalai Lama, and had donated to reconstruction efforts following the 2015 Nepal earthquake. These findings immediately drew serious concern from Chinese authorities in Tibet.

In September 2019, armed police and public security forces raided his home village and the nearby Tangdro Monastery. All monks and villagers were forced to undergo political “re-education” sessions; several monks were beaten, and internet access was cut off. At least 20 monks were detained. Three days later, one monk died by suicide in protest against the repression, while others were held in prolonged detention beyond legal limits. Choegyal Wangpo and three other monks were later formally arrested on accusations of “contacting overseas Tibetans, assisting Nepal earthquake relief efforts, and possessing photos or documents related to the Dalai Lama,” after which they disappeared from public view.

In July 2020, the Shigatse Intermediate People’s Court tried the four individuals and sentenced them to prison terms ranging from 5 to 20 years. Choegyal Wangpo received the heaviest sentence of 20 years, with his term set to end in September 2039. He is currently believed to be serving his sentence at Zhaqi Prison in Lhasa, and serious concerns remain regarding his health and conditions of detention.

诺布顿珠 Norbu Dondrup

A native of Dingri County, Shigatse City, Tibet Autonomous Region, senior monk (Dharma master) at Tangdro Monastery

Charges: Endangering national security

Sentence: 17 years

Sentencing Date: July 2020

Expected Release Date: September 2036

Detention Location:

Suspected to be detained in Tibet Autonomous Region Prison, No. 6 Zaki Road, Chengguan District, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850003)

案情说明 Case Description：

Norbu Dondrup, born in 1956, is a Tibetan from Dingri County, Shigatse City, Tibet Autonomous Region. He served as a senior monk at Dangdro Monastery and was actively involved in charitable and community welfare activities.

In August 2019, Choegyal Wangpo, a monk from Tangdro Monastery, accidentally lost his mobile phone while visiting Lhasa. The phone was handed over to the Lhasa police, who discovered records of communication with Tibetan monks in Nepal, documentation of donations made for the 2015 Nepal earthquake, and images and materials related to the 14th Dalai Lama. These findings triggered alarm among Chinese authorities in Tibet, who characterized them as evidence of collusion with foreign hostile forces and a threat to national security.

In September 2019, armed police and public security forces dispatched by the Shigatse authorities raided Tangdro Monastery. Monks were forced to undergo political “re-education” sessions; several were beaten, and Norbu Dondrup sustained serious injuries. At least 20 monks were detained, and the monastery’s internet and external communications were cut off. Three days later, one monk died by suicide in protest against the repression, while others were held in prolonged detention beyond legal limits. Norbu Dondrup and four other monks were subsequently formally arrested on charges of “contacting overseas Tibetans, providing earthquake relief assistance to Nepal, and possessing materials related to the Dalai Lama.”

In July 2020, the case was heard at the Shigatse Intermediate People’s Court. Norbu Dondrup was sentenced to 17 years in prison, with his term set to end in September 2036. He is currently believed to be serving his sentence at Tibet Autonomous Region Prison in Lhasa, and serious concerns remain regarding his health and the conditions of detention.

罗桑金巴 Lobsang Jinpa

A native of Dingri County, Shigatse City, Tibet Autonomous Region; Vice Abbot of Tangdro Monastery, Tibetan Buddhist monk

Charges: Endangering national security
Sentence: 19 years

Sentencing Date: 2020

Expected Release Date: 2038

Detention Location:

Detained in Tibet Autonomous Region Prison, No. 6 Zaki Road, Chengguan District, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850003)

案情说明 Case Description：
Lobsang Jinpa, born in 1976, is a Tibetan from Dingri County, Shigatse City, Tibet Autonomous Region. He served as the Vice Abbot of Tangdro Monastery and is a Tibetan Buddhist monk.

Between August and September 2019, Lobsang Jinpa traveled to Lhasa together with fellow monk Choegyal Wangpo. During the trip, his mobile phone was accidentally lost and later examined by local police. Authorities found records of communication with Tibetan monks in Nepal, documentation of donations for reconstruction following the 2015 Nepal earthquake, and images and materials related to the Dalai Lama. These findings prompted a harsh response from Chinese authorities in Tibet, who characterized them as evidence of collusion with foreign forces and a threat to national security.
Following this, Tangdro Monastery was raided, and at least 20 monks were detained and forced to undergo political “re-education” sessions.
In 2020, Lobsang Jinpa and three other monks were formally arrested and convicted of “endangering national security.” Lobsang Jinpa received a 19-year prison sentence, with his term set to end in 2038. He is currently detained at Zhaqi (Zaki) Prison in Lhasa.

CTA|Report: Four Tibetan monks given “extraordinarily harsh sentences” following China’s crackdown on Tengdro Monastery

南杰顿珠 Namgyal Dondrup

A native of Drango County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, monk of Drango Monastery

Charges: Participation in and leadership of a protest

Sentence: 14 years

Sentencing Date: January 26, 2013

Expected Release Date: March 2026

Detention Location:

Sichuan Province Garzê Prison, Xinduqiao Town, Kangding County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province (Postal Code: 626000)

案情说明 Case Description:

Due to the Chinese authorities’ forceful implementation of so-called “patriotic and legal propaganda and education” campaigns across Tibet and Tibetan areas in surrounding provinces, widespread resentment arose among Tibetans. On January 23, 2012 (the first day of the Chinese Lunar New Year), Tibetans in Drango County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, held a large-scale peaceful demonstration to protest these repressive policies.

The demonstration was immediately met with violent suppression and arbitrary arrests by local police, resulting in the detention of hundreds of Tibetans, with multiple individuals killed or seriously injured. By November 8 of the same year, a total of 36 people had been sentenced to prison terms ranging from 1 year and 8 months to life imprisonment, while several others disappeared after being taken into custody.

Namgyal Dondrup was taken from Drango Monastery by police in March 2012 and placed under criminal detention on the charge of “participating in and leading protest activities,” due to his active involvement in the demonstrations.

On January 26, 2013, the Drango County People’s Court of Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture sentenced him to 14 years in prison, identifying him as a “main leader of the Drango demonstrations.” His sentence is set to expire in March 2026. He is currently serving his sentence at Garzê Prison.

仓央嘉措 Tsangyang Gyatso

A native of Nagqu, Tibet Autonomous Region; Tibetan Buddhist monk; former chanting master and financial officer at Drilda Monastery, Chido Township, Sog County

Charges: Suspected of “contacts with foreign forces” and “inciting others to anti-government activities.”

Sentence: 12 years imprisonment

Sentencing Date: October 1, 2014

Expected Release Date: March 17, 2026

Detention Location: Qushui Prison, Niedang Township, Qushui County, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850600)

案情说明 Case Description:

In March 2014, authorities discovered that local residents were disseminating so-called “prohibited materials” via mobile phones and WeChat, including images of the Dalai Lama, songs expressing Tibetan ethnic dignity, and graffiti such as “Tibetan independence” painted on walls. This led to a large-scale crackdown by local authorities.

On March 17, 2014, Tsangyang Gyatso was taken from his monastery by local police and placed under criminal detention on suspicion of “contacts with foreign forces” and “inciting others to anti-government activities.”

On October 1, 2014, authorities sentenced him to 12 years in prison on charges of “maintaining contact with the outside world” and “encouraging young monks within the monastery to oppose the government,” with the sentence set to end on March 17, 2026.

Tibetan monk sentenced to 12 years for ‘inciting separatism.’
USCIRF | Tsangyang Gyatso

次成加材 Tsultrim Gyaltsen

A native of Driru County, Nagqu Prefecture, Tibet; bilingual Tibetan-Chinese writer

Charges: Inciting separatism; undermining social stability

Sentence: 13 years imprisonment

Sentencing Date: 2014

Expected Release Date: September 27, 2026

Detention Location: Qushui Prison, Niedang Township, Qushui County, Lhasa City, Tibet (Postal Code: 850600)

案情说明 Case Description:

Tsultrim Gyaltsen was born in 1986 in Driru County, Nagqu Prefecture. He is a bilingual Tibetan-Chinese writer. In 2001, he entered the Baiyu Buddhist Academy in Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan, to become a monk and study Tibetan Buddhism, later continuing his studies at the Sêrtar Larung Gar Buddhist Academy and Dege Xieqing Monastery.

In 2007, he published several Tibetan-language works, including Sad Songs of the Snowy Land and Destiny of the Snowy Land. In late 2009, he disrobed and enrolled at Northwest Minzu University, majoring in Chinese literature. He co-founded the Tibetan-language magazine New Generation and served as editor-in-chief, while also publishing several Chinese-language articles on the Tibetan Cultural Website.

In 2013, after organizing discussions deemed illegal by authorities, he was expelled from the university. Returning to his hometown, he established a part-time school to teach bilingual Tibetan-Chinese courses. In September 2013, following protests by Tibetans in his hometown, he was accused of “inciting separatism, undermining social stability, and publicly making illegal statements.”

He was arrested in October 2013. In 2014, the Tibet Autonomous Region High Court convicted him of “inciting separatism” and “undermining social stability” and sentenced him to 13 years in prison, with the sentence ending on September 27, 2026.

VOA | Chinese Authorities Detain Young Tibetan Writer and Friend

CTA | 17 Tibetans arrested as crackdown continues in Driru county

丹增桑波 Tenzin Sangpo

Charges: Accused of leading protests against the “Kamtok Hydropower Project” in Dege County, Garzê Prefecture.

Sentence: Not publicly disclosed.

Detention Location: Dege County Detention Center, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, PRC.

Tenzin Sangpo, a native of Dêgê County in Garzê Prefecture, is a monk and a senior administrator at Wontoe Monastery. He was arrested on February 23, 2024, for participating in protests against the Kamtok Hydropower Project, which threatens to submerge thousands of Tibetan homes and 6 historic Tibetan Buddhist monasteries. While many others arrested in connection with the protests were later released, Sangpo remained in detention on suspicion of leading the protests. Reports indicate that detainees involved in the protest were held in extremely poor conditions and were beaten by police.

RFA｜After protest, Tibetan monastery leader and village official sent to detention center

图丹罗珠 Thupten Lodoe

Charges: Inciting separatism, endangering national security, undermining ethnic unity

Sentence: 4 years and 5 months

Detention Location: His exact place of detention is currently unknown

Thupten Lodoe, pen name Sabuche, in his 30s, is a Tibetan writer and intellectual from Shiqu County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan. He is fluent in Chinese, English, and Tibetan and studied at a school founded by Tibet’s spiritual leader, the Panchen Lama. After graduation, he returned home to teach and refused a high-paying job offered by the Chinese government, choosing to advocate for the preservation of the Tibetan language. His writings, which focus on social, economic, and cultural issues in Tibet, did not violate China’s constitution, but he was repeatedly warned and had his personal belongings searched. In October 2021, he was forcibly taken by authorities and has been missing ever since. He was charged with “inciting separatism,” “endangering national security,” and “undermining ethnic unity,” and was sentenced to 4 years and 5 months. Despite his works not violating any laws, these charges are considered a method of suppressing Tibetans who disagree with the government’s views. His current whereabouts and detention location remain unknown.

RFA｜Tibetan activist sentenced to prison for ‘separatist acts’ and ‘social disorder.’

This is not a complete summary. If you know more information about the current situation of Tibetan prisoners of conscience, please contact us!

Email: chineseyouthstand4tibet@gmail.com

Source from 中国人权捍卫者网络（CHRD）| 维权网（weiquanwang）| 西藏政治犯数据库（TPPD）｜藏人行政中央（Tibet.net）

Organizing： Wilson, Yuqiao, 小翠, 谢拉

Editor： GD Proofreading： Wilson Jiangyu

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西饶·降央列谢 Sherab Jamyang Lekshey
ཤེས་རབ་ འཇམ་དབྱངས་ལེགས་བཤད་

四川省甘孜州德格县僧人

银南寺住持

指控: “组织、领导非法集会”等不明罪名

刑期: 4年

逮捕日期: 2024年2月

预计释放日期: 2028年3月（如按2025年3月前后 正式羁押计起刑期，实际起算日期以判决与羁押起算日为准）。

关押地点：

གཡག་རྔ་བཙོན་ཁང་། 雅安监狱（四川省雅安市名山区新民南路16号，邮政编码：625100)

案情说明 Case Description:

2024年2月，中国当局在甘孜州德格县启动金沙江“岗托水电站”项目，计划强制搬迁岗托镇汪布顶地区至少两个村庄，并拆除包括银南寺和汪堆寺在内的六座寺院，两寺历史可追溯至13—14世纪，被视为重要藏传佛教寺院和文化遗产。

自2024年2月14日起，当地僧俗民众连续多日到德格县政府门前进行和平请愿，反对强制搬迁和拆寺建坝，呼吁保护生态环境与历史文物，并要求取消水电站选址。相关现场视频曾在抖音、微信和微博等平台短暂传播，随后被迅速删除，但已被转发到X（原Twitter）和Facebook，引起国际媒体关注。

在多段公开视频中，作为银南寺住持的降央列谢与大量僧俗民众一同跪地请愿，并竖起大拇指作恳求姿态，呼吁当地中共当局叫停项目，但当局对诉求未作回应。

2024年2月22日，因持续抗议人数增至上千人，当局出动大批警力实施武力镇压，数百名藏人被大规模抓捕，德格县同时遭遇严厉的网络与通讯封锁，并禁止外来人员进入。

在镇压期间，降央列谢为保护银南寺的历史文化与珍贵文物，持续参与并支持非暴力的和平请愿行动；由于银南寺僧侣集体拒绝配合搬迁，寺院被列为“集中整顿”对象。其后，降央列谢连同寺院管理员贡布次仁等多名僧侣被带走，接受所谓“再教育”。

报告称，在审讯期间，降央列谢及多数被拘押者遭到殴打，一些人因伤势严重被送往医院治疗。约一个月后，多数被捕人员被取保释放，但降央列谢等少数人继续被羁押并被正式逮捕。

当局指控他们为反对岗托水电站项目抗议行动的主要组织者与领导者，要求“从重惩处”。2025年6月17日，四川省甘孜州德格县法院以含糊其辞的不明确罪名，判处降央列谢有期徒刑4年，随后将其押送至四川省雅安监狱服刑。

—---------------------------------------------------------------------

贡布次仁 Gonpo Tsering
མགོན་པོ་ཚེ་རིང་།

四川省甘孜州德格县 僧人，德格县银南寺管理员

指控: “领导、组织非法聚集活动”等不确切罪名

刑期: 3年

预计释放日期 ：2027年3月，具体以官方认定的刑期起算日为准

关押地点: 疑似关押于

གཡག་རྔ་བཙོན་ཁང་། 雅安监狱（四川省雅安市名山区新民南路16号，邮政编码：625100）

案情说明 Case Description:

2024年2月，中共当局在四川省甘孜藏族自治州德格县境内启动金沙江上修建“岗托水电站”项目，计划强制搬迁并摧毁至少六座寺院（包括可追溯至13—14世纪的汪堆寺与银南寺）以及上旺托村和石帕村两座村庄，威胁寺院内大量不可复原的珍贵历史文物和古老壁画，并将直接影响约2000名当地居民的生计与生活。

自2024年2月14日起，岗托镇汪布顶乡僧俗民众连续前往德格县政府门前举行和平请愿，要求不开工建设岗托水电站，以避免破坏生态环境与历史文化遗产，并反对劳民伤财的强制搬迁；相关视频一度在抖音、微信和微博等平台短暂传播，随后遭删除，但被转发至X（原Twitter）和Facebook，引发国际媒体关注。

公开影像显示，身着暗红色僧袍的僧侣们双手合十、跪地恳求官员撤回项目，其他藏人也随之跪下并哭喊，但在场官员对其诉求无动于衷，径直离开现场。

2024年2月22日，随着抗议持续，当局出动大批警力实施武力镇压，数百名藏人遭大规模抓捕，同时德格县的网络和通讯被全面封锁。

在此期间，贡布次仁以银南寺管理员身份，为保护寺庙的文化历史与珍贵文物免遭拆毁，积极参与并支持和平请愿活动；由于银南寺僧侣普遍坚决反对搬迁，寺院被列为“集中整顿”对象，贡布次仁与寺院住持 西饶·降央列谢 等多名僧侣被集体带走，接受所谓“再教育”。

据称，在审讯期间，多数被拘押者遭到殴打，一些人因伤势严重需要接受治疗；约一个月后，大部分被抓人员被取保释放，但贡布次仁等少数人仍以“领导针对岗托大坝项目的抗议活动”为由继续被羁押。

2025年6月17日获悉，四川省甘孜州德格县法院以不明确罪名判处贡布次仁3年有期徒刑；另有消息称，他在被送入监狱后遭受严重酷刑，导致脑部重伤、视力丧失，无法开口说话与吞咽食物，曾被紧急送往成都华西医院接受治疗，之后被认为仍在雅安监狱服刑。

FREE TIBET｜Head of Tibetan monastery in critical condition after torture following dam protest
CTA｜Profiling Tibetan Political Prisoners – Gonpo Tsering

岗·次仁卓玛 Gang Tsering Drolma
གངས་ཚེ་རིང་སྒྲོལ་མ།

四川省甘孜州色达县大则乡岗扎村人

指控：“分裂国家罪”

刑期： 8年

预计释放日期：2029年4月

关押地点：四川省女子监狱（四川省成都市东部新区养马街道川橡路261号，邮政编码：641402）

案情说明 Case Description:

岗·次仁卓玛，女，1997年出生，四川省甘孜自治州色达县大则乡岗扎村人，女作家、人权捍卫者。其自幼生活在牧区传统家庭，婚后与丈夫育有两个儿子。因对自身民族文化怀有深厚情感，岗·次仁卓玛长期关注并致力于藏区民族文化传承、教育与人权等议题。

2008年，正值纪念1959年3月10日西藏武装起义49周年之际，整个藏地三区（包括西藏自治区、甘南州和四川省阿坝）爆发大规模和平抗议活动。其间，部分社会活动人士、作家和学者亦参与其中。2008年6月1日，年仅11岁的岗·次仁卓玛因与其父亲索罗一同参加甘孜州色达县的和平抗议行动，被当地当局抓捕。其后在羁押期间长期遭狱警殴打，导致胯骨被打断，并遭受严重酷刑。即便获释后，其仍长期承受酷刑后遗症，包括记忆力下降、精神恍惚及身体局部持续疼痛。
自此之后，其言行举止一直受到甘孜州中共当局的严密监控。在当局认定的所谓“敏感纪念日”前后，其被反复要求前往当地派出所登记说明情况，并被严禁离开原籍前往其他地区。

2012年，岗·次仁卓玛因参与抗议中共当局对藏人实施的高压管控政策，再次与其父亲一同被捕。在审讯和羁押期间，其再次遭受严重殴打和酷刑折磨，身体健康状况进一步恶化。

2021年4月2日，岗·次仁卓玛再次被阿坝州色达县警方以涉嫌“分裂国家罪”刑事拘留，并与随后被抓捕的另5名藏人作家及活动人士并案处理。其后，该案相关人员均被以相同罪名正式逮捕。

CTA｜西藏政治犯简介 — 岗•次仁卓玛

中国政治犯关注｜崗•次仁卓瑪（女）（CPPC編號：01398）

果·喜饶嘉措 Go Sherab Gyatso
སྒོ་ཤེས་རབ་རྒྱ་མཚོ།

别名 果喜

四川省阿坝州阿坝县僧人， 著名作家

指控：被指控“煽动分裂国家罪”

逮捕日期：2020 年 10 月 26 日

刑期 ：10年有期徒刑，刑期至2030年。

关押地点：曲水监狱（西藏自治区拉萨市曲水县聂当乡，邮政编码：850600）

目前状况 ：目前在狱中健康状况不佳。

案情说明

果·喜饶嘉措生于1976年9月9日，四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县人，自幼在格尔登寺出家为僧，后赴西藏拉萨哲蚌寺与色拉寺深造。他长期致力于维护藏区环境、宗教、语言和文化，并出版多部有关佛教哲学及藏族文化的书籍，深受年轻藏民尊敬，但因此引起中共当局警觉和迫害。

1998年3月20日，因参与反抗中共对阿坝地区僧侣强制实施“爱国爱教”教育活动，被四川当局拘捕，判刑3年8个月，在绵阳监狱服刑，期间受虐并感染慢性肺病。2008年北京奥运会前，因西藏拉萨发生大规模抗议被再次拘捕，判刑1年。2011年因批评中共镇压藏民及出版相关书籍，被四川省国安局跨省拘捕，羁押于成都看守所。

获释后，2013-2016年间，他继续研究藏传佛教文化，拜访藏区多家寺院，并在广东中山大学学习西方哲学史，行动相对自由。2020年10月26日，其因慢性肺病定期就医时，被西藏自治区国安局以“涉嫌煽动分裂国家罪”刑拘。2021年3月，拉萨市法院以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”开庭审理，2021年12月被重判10年，刑期至2030年10月25日。

中国政治犯关注｜果·喜饒嘉措（CPPC編號：01116）
CTA｜ 西藏政治犯简介— 果·喜饶嘉措

岗布优博 Gangbu Yudrum
གངས་བུ་གཡུ་བྷྲུཾ།

四川省甘孜州 色达县然充乡更盆村然充寺僧人

指控：被指控“煽动分裂国家罪”

刑期：7年

刑期至: 2028年3月21日

关押地点：绵阳监狱（四川省绵阳市御中南路269号，邮政编码：621000）

案情说明

自幼入然充寺为僧，但因对藏民族文化及信仰怀有深厚热爱，长期关注藏民族原生态信仰、文化传承与教育等问题，并积极发声维护这些事务。
2008年，他因参与藏区范围内的和平抗议活动，并在家乡色达县手持被禁的雪山狮子旗，呼吁“中共要允许第十四世达赖喇嘛尊者返回西藏”，被中共当局抓捕并判处3年有期徒刑，2011年2月19日获释。

获释后，他与朋友共创“反红组织”（又称“抗共藏人青年会”），在藏区各地开展抗议运动。2012年5月14日再次被中共警方拘捕，并被判刑2年，至2014年获释。获释时，他受到村民热烈欢迎，被誉为“西藏真相的斗士”。其后，他撰写并散发给当地藏人的信件中，鼓励大家不要气馁、继续努力，使西藏摆脱北京当局的统治。

2021年3月22日，岗布优博再次被甘孜州色达县警方强行拘捕，自此失联。2022年9月，他与另外5名藏人母语作家、政治活动人士及维权人士一同在四川省甘孜州中级法院开庭受审，最终6人均被以“煽动分裂国家罪”判处4至14年不等刑期。

中國政治犯關注 崗布優博（CPPC編號：01401）

维权网｜获刑7年的四川省甘孜藏族自治州人僧侣岗布优博的案情及简历

岗吉·志巴加 Gangkye Drubpa Kyab
གངས་སྐྱེས་སྒྲུབ་པ་སྐྱབས།

笔名：血火狮 藏语 “岗麦达”

四川甘孜州色达县霍西乡人，著名作家与私立学校教师

指控: 先后多次被当局以“分裂国家、危害国家安全”等罪名指控，理由包括撰写并出版涉及西藏命运与局势的书籍和报刊、被指建立“抗红组织／反红抵抗组织”。

刑期: 14年（第二次重判）

预计释放日期: 2035年3月22日

关押地点：疑似目前关押在德阳监狱（四川省德阳市旌阳区黄许镇，邮政编码：618007）

案情说明

著名藏语作家，著有《命运的呼喊》《时代的悲痛》《今日的眼泪》《2008年全境红色血书》等多部藏文作品，并独立编辑《岁月的颜色》《洁白哈达》等报刊，体裁涵盖小说、杂文、评论与诗歌，深情描写藏族文化、宗教信仰以及对民族与故土的情感。

虽然其大部分作品并未直接触及被视为高度敏感的政治议题，但两首短诗直白揭示了2008年镇压西藏抗议期间藏民遭受的苦难，以及在腐败与牟利之下普通百姓生存困境，因而引发地方当局高度紧张，使其长期处于严密监控和打击之下。

2012年2月15日，他被甘孜州色达县警方突然带走，随后由雅江县检察院以涉嫌“分裂国家罪”正式批捕，指控其为“西藏活动人士”并建立名为“抗红组织”的团体，其言行被指触犯国家法律法规，要求予以严惩。

2013年8月1日，案件在四川省甘孜州法院开庭审理，同年9月16日，雅江县法院以“分裂、危害国家安全罪”判处其有期徒刑5年6个月，并押送色达县监狱服刑。

2016年9月16日，他获减刑提前出狱，但次日因将达赖喇嘛法相置于头顶被指“认罪态度不好”，再度被色达县警方拘留17天。

2021年3月23日，他再次因先前撰写并发表多本有关西藏命运与局势的著作和报刊，以及创建“反红抵抗组织”而被色达县警方以涉嫌“分裂国家罪”拘捕，同案还包括另外5名藏人作家及社会活动者。

2022年9月，6人案件在四川省甘孜州中级法院开庭审理，最终以“分裂、危害国家安全罪”分别判处4至14年不等刑期，其中岗吉·志巴加被重判14年，刑期至2035年3月22日。

据悉，其在首次服刑期间遭受严重酷刑，健康持续恶化，狱方被迫提前释放；但获释后身心状况一直未见好转，出现严重精神障碍，视力与记忆力明显衰退，肾脏和胃部功能严重受损，因此其目前在狱中的健康状况极为令人担忧。

维权网：被中共当局判刑14年的藏族知名作家岗吉•志巴加的案情及简历

桑珠 Samdu བསམ་འགྲུབ་

四川省甘孜州色达县克果乡人，作家

指控: 多次被指控从事“分裂国家、危害国家安全”的政治活动。

刑期：第二次重判为有期徒刑8年，剥夺政治权利2年

预计释放日期：刑期至2029年4月4日

关押地点:

目前疑似关押在德阳监狱（四川省德阳市旌阳区黄许镇，邮政编码：618007）

案情说明:

桑珠，1981年生，来自四川省甘孜州色达县克果乡，是活跃于藏区的藏文作家与政治异见人士，长期关注西藏局势与藏民族命运。

2012年6月13日，因参与西藏问题相关活动并涉入名为 Marchung Ngogol Tsokpa 的当地民间组织，桑珠被色达县警方以涉嫌从事“反对中共统治西藏的政治活动”刑事拘留，后被当地检察院以“进行西藏反抗运动”“建立反红抵抗组织”等理由正式批捕。

2013年8月1日，四川省甘孜州康定市中级法院以“分裂国家和危害国家安全罪”判处其有期徒刑5年，并附加剥夺政治权利2年，随后被送往色达县监狱服刑；2016年8月19日，其获减刑提前释放，但据称在获释当日即再次被警方带走，并被行政拘留17天。

2021年4月5日，桑珠再次被色达县警方以涉嫌“分裂及危害国家安全罪”刑事拘留，同案还包括来自色达县和炉霍县的5名藏族作家与社会活动人士；2022年9月，该6人案在四川省甘孜州中级法院开庭审理，最终以“分裂、危害国家安全罪”分别判处4年至14年不等刑期，其中桑珠被重判8年，刑期至2029年4月4日。外界普遍认为该案是当局系统性打压藏人言论自由与民间组织活动的典型政治案件。

塞朗 Seynam
སྲས་རྣམ།

四川省甘孜州色达县然充乡人

指控：“分裂国家”等政治性罪名

刑期：有期徒刑6年

逮捕日期：2021年3月23日

预计释放日期：若以2021年3月23日为起算日，刑期预计至2027年3月22日前后（以官方认定的起算日为准）

关押地点：
目前疑似关押于绵阳监狱（四川省绵阳市涪城区御中南路269号，邮政编码：621050)

案情说明 Case Description:

塞朗出生于四川甘孜州色达县然充乡。他长期致力于民族教育事业，并积极参与环境保护工作，在当地被视为既关心文化传承、又重视生态保护的社会人士。

在被正式判刑之前，他曾因组织名为“雪域父母健康院”（གངས་ཅན་ཕ་མའི་བདེ་ཐང་གླེང་བ་）的会议，于2022年9月前后被色达警方行政拘留15天，当局称该会议“违法”，并同时拘押了另外十名藏人。

2021年3月23日，塞朗被中共警方正式拘捕，外界至今未能获知此次抓捕的明确、具体导火索，仅知与其长期参与民族教育与环境保护相关社会活动密切相关。其后，他被以涉及“分裂国家罪”等政治性罪名起诉，并在判决中被重判6年有期徒刑，成为近年来藏区因非暴力社会参与和公民行动而遭到严厉打压的又一典型个案。

西藏色达县与炉霍县6名藏人被控“分裂国家”而遭判4至14年徒刑
CTA official :西藏政治犯简介 （七）— 塞朗

扎西达杰 Tashi Dhargyal

四川省甘孜州炉霍寺僧人

指控: 被指控积极参与2012年1月23日炉霍县大规模和平示威游行，反对当局在涉藏地区强硬推行“爱国和法制宣传教育”活动，以“炉霍示威活动的主要带头人”判刑。

刑期：14年

逮捕日期：2012年3月

预计释放日期：2026年3月

关押地点:

康定县监狱（四川省甘孜州康定县新都桥镇，邮政编码：626000）

案情说明 Case Description:

2012年1月23日（农历新年初一），因不满中共当局在涉藏地区强硬推行“爱国和法制宣传教育”活动，四川省甘孜州炉霍县爆发大规模藏民和平示威游行。当局对此采取严厉武力镇压，造成多人死伤，上百人被抓捕。

截至2012年11月8日，已有36人被判处1年8个月至无期徒刑不等刑期，另有数人在被捕后下落不明。扎西达杰作为炉霍寺僧人，积极参与此次和平示威，于2012年3月被警方从寺院内带走并刑事拘留。

2013年1月26日，甘孜州炉霍县法院以其为“炉霍示威活动的主要带头人”为由，对其进行秘密审判并判处14年有期徒刑。其辩护权被剥夺，审判过程不公开，案件细节长期未向外界披露。

炉霍示威是2012年藏区抗议浪潮中的重要事件之一，其根源在于当局强化政治教育引发的广泛不满。扎西达杰被捕后长期关押，目前仍在康定县监狱服刑，预计于2026年3月刑满释放，外界对其健康状况及狱中待遇持续表示严重关切。

RFA : 四川炉霍五藏人被判刑 甘肃夏河藏人在藏历年磕长头声援同胞（组图）

白玛益西 Pema Yeshi

四川省甘孜州新龙县农民

指控：煽动分裂国家罪；扰乱社会秩序罪。

刑期：死缓；此后改判为无期徒刑。

预计释放日期：无期徒刑，暂无明确刑满释放日期。

关押地点：四川省德阳监狱服刑（四川省德阳市黄许镇德阳监狱，邮编618007)

案情说明（Case Description):

白玛益西因积极参与罢耕运动并抵制中共控制的藏历新年庆祝活动而受到当局关注。

2009年2月28日，当局指控其涉嫌参与新龙县境内的一起示威活动。该活动中，有人散发传单并呼吁西藏独立，当日发生警民冲突，乡政府办公大楼发生火灾。

2009年3月11日，白玛益西被新龙县警方抓捕，并被以涉嫌“煽动分裂国家罪”和“扰乱社会秩序罪”刑事拘留。

2009年11月17日，四川省甘孜州中级法院作出判决，先判处死刑缓期两年执行，后改判无期徒刑。目前其在四川省德阳监狱服刑。

中国政治犯关注｜白瑪益西（Pema Yeshi）（CPPC編號：00254）

索南公保 Solnam Gonpo

四川省甘孜州新龙县小学厨师

指控：煽动分裂国家罪；扰乱社会秩序罪。

刑期：无期徒刑。

预计释放日期：无期徒刑，暂无明确刑满释放日期。

关押地点：德阳监狱（四川省德阳市旌阳区黄许镇，邮编618007)

案情说明 Case Description:

索南公保因积极参与罢耕运动并抵制中共控制的藏历新年庆祝活动而受到当局关注。

2009年2月28日，当局怀疑其参与新龙县境内一起抗议中共统治、散发传单并呼吁西藏独立的示威活动；该示威当日引发警民冲突，乡政府办公大楼发生火灾。

2009年3月11日，索南公保被新龙县警方强行抓捕，并被以涉嫌“煽动分裂国家罪”和“扰乱社会秩序罪”刑事拘留，关押于四川省成都市某看守所。

2009年11月17日，四川省甘孜州中级法院以两项罪名重判无期徒刑。目前其在四川省德阳监狱服刑。

中国政治犯关注｜白瑪益西（Pema Yeshi）（CPPC編號：00254）

强巴旺秋 Jampel Wangchuk
འཇམ་དཔལ་དབང་ཕྱུག

西藏边波隆都县索托乡人
拉萨市哲蚌寺洛色林僧院高级僧人、纪律纠察僧官，学者僧侣

指控：具体罪名不详

刑期: 2010年6月，被拉萨市中级法院秘密判处无期徒刑（超期羁押约两年），辩护权遭剥夺

预计释放日期: 无期徒刑，暂无明确刑满释放日期

关押地点：曲水监狱（西藏自治区拉萨市曲水县聂当乡，邮政编码：850600）

案情说明 Case Description:

强巴旺秋，1959年生，自幼出家为僧，长期在拉萨哲蚌寺洛色林僧院进修学习佛法，师从兰林仁波切（Lamrim Rinpoche），成为其主要弟子之一，学识深厚，被寺院确认为高级僧人及纪律纠察僧官。

2008年3月，西藏爆发大规模以僧侣为主体的抗议示威活动，表达对当局长期压制的不满，提出包括“藏民族自治独立”、让达赖喇嘛回国、对藏区实行自治管理等政治诉求；3月10日左右，哲蚌寺约350名僧侣亦发起进一步抗议，使事态扩散至拉萨市区及四川、青海藏区；警方采取强力制止，期间部分僧人被抓。

2008年4月11日，强巴旺秋被拉萨市警方以涉嫌“抗议活动”刑事拘留，自此失联；同寺僧侣贡觉尼玛、阿旺觉尼亦被拘捕。虽其未直接参与抗议，当局认为他未能阻止寺院僧侣组织大规模抗议，涉嫌违规或违反管理条例。2010年6月，经超期羁押约两年后，拉萨市中级法院秘密判处其无期徒刑，辩护权被剥夺；其在狱中健康状况及处境长期不明。

CTA｜Profiling Tibetan Political Prisoners – Jampel Wangchuk

洛迪嘉措 Lodoe Gyamtso

西藏自治区那曲地区索县若达乡索卡村人

指控：“泄露国家机密”等罪名

刑期：18年

逮捕日期：2018年1月28日

预计释放日期：2036年1月27日

关押地点：

西藏自治区监狱（西藏拉萨市城关区扎基路6号，邮政编码：850003）

案情说明 Case Description:

洛迪嘉措，1962年生，西藏那曲地区索县若达乡索卡村人，自1990年代起即因个人及家庭原因与当局产生冲突。1993年1月17日，因自卫刺伤司机导致死亡，被那曲中级法院判刑15年，期间多次因在监狱内抗议高喊“西藏独立”“中国退出西藏”等口号及散发手写传单被加刑6年，并先后关押于拉萨市扎基监狱、曲水监狱。2013年5月获刑满释放，但随后被软禁4年。

2015年起，洛迪嘉措因公开批评当局强迫藏人穿戴传统皮毛饰品、限制僧侣返乡、干预经济生计及剥夺宗教自由等，再次受到监控与拘押。2018年1月28日，因在布达拉宫前发起“世界和平运动”抗议及在网络上传播视频而被拘捕。2019年4月，被西藏那曲中级法院以“泄露国家机密罪”重判18年，刑期至2036年1月27日，目前在西藏自治区监狱服刑。

多吉扎西 Dorje Tashi
རྡོ་རྗེ་བཀྲ་ཤིས།

1973年出生，拉萨人，企业家

指控：涉嫌向参与抗议的藏人提供秘密支持，并向流亡藏人社区提供捐款；被指控“贷款诈骗罪”

刑期：无期徒刑

逮捕日期：2008年7月10日

关押地点：西藏自治区监狱（西藏拉萨市城关区扎基路6号，邮政编码：850003）

案情说明 Case Description:

多吉扎西，1973年出生，是拉萨知名企业家、亚宾馆老板及房地产和贸易领域的成功企业家。2003年，他加入中国共产党，曾获评“西藏十大杰出青年”，并获得多项官方荣誉。

2008年西藏各地爆发抗议事件后，多吉扎西被指控向参与抗议的藏人提供秘密支持，并向流亡藏人社区提供捐款。2010年5月17日，他被拉萨市中级法院以“贷款诈骗罪”判处无期徒刑，并被没收包括酒店在内的所有财产。案件带有明显政治色彩，有舆论认为他是地方政府官员权力斗争的牺牲品。在监狱服刑期间，多吉扎西遭受酷刑，包括电棍殴打、热辣椒液灌鼻、悬吊手铐、剥夺食物等，并被拒绝家人及律师探视。他两次提出上诉，第一次被拖延六年后驳回，第二次被告知“不接受上诉”。

丹增曲培 Tenzin Choephel
བསྟན་འཛིན་ཆོས་འཕེལ།

指控：“煽动分裂国家”、“非法向境外发送情报”和“资助危害国家安全的活动”

刑期：18年有期徒刑，剥夺政治权利5年，并没收个人财产。

关押地点：拉萨市曲水监狱（西藏自治区拉萨市曲水县聂当乡，邮政编码：850600）

案情说明 Case Description:

丹增曲培，西藏自治区那曲市色尼区达前乡的知名企业家和慈善家，于2018年3月30日在拉萨贡嘎机场被中国当局拘留，后遭单独监禁一年多。

2019年5月24日，他以「煽动分裂国家」、「非法向境外发送情报」及「资助危害国家安全的活动」等罪名被判处18年有期徒刑，剥夺政治权利5年，财产被没收。家人上诉被驳回。他因致力于保护西藏文化、环境，促进团结和帮助贫困者而深受敬仰。他目前被关押在拉萨近郊的曲水监狱。

罗让贡求 Lorang Kunchok

四川省阿坝州阿坝县人格尔登寺僧人、尕然班格西

指控：“煽动自焚杀人”，被以“故意杀人罪”定罪

刑期：死刑，缓期两年执行，剥夺政治权利终身

逮捕日期：2012年8月13日

预计释放日期：死刑缓期两年，目前服刑中，无固定释放日期

关押地点：疑似目前关押在德阳监狱（四川省德阳市旌阳区黄许镇，邮政编码：618007）。

案情说明 Case Description:

罗让贡求，1972年出生于四川省阿坝县，格尔登寺僧人、尕然班格西。自2009年起，他与境外流亡组织“格尔底寺新闻联络小组”联系，并向其提供格尔登寺僧人扎白等自焚者的视频，引起当局不满。2012年8月，阿坝县发生多起藏人自焚事件，引发当局高度恐慌。罗让贡求被指控利用格西身份在僧众中煽动、教唆、胁迫多人自焚，并将相关信息传递给境外组织，以实施分裂活动。2012年8月13日，阿坝县警方以“煽动自焚杀人”罪刑拘，后正式逮捕。2013年1月31日，阿坝州中级法院以“故意杀人罪”判处其死刑，缓期两年执行，剥夺政治权利终身。目前在四川省德阳监狱服刑。

洛桑格培 Lobsang Gephel

四川省阿坝州阿坝县麦尔玛乡 格尔登寺僧人

指控： 因私下庆祝达赖喇嘛80岁诞辰被指控从事非法活动，具体罪名不详。

刑期：12年有期徒刑

逮捕日期：2015年11月30日

预计释放日期：2027年11月29日

关押地点：

绵阳监狱（四川绵阳涪城区御中南路269号，邮政编码621050）

案情说明 Case Description:

洛桑格培，安多阿坝格尔登寺僧人，因私下庆祝达赖喇嘛80岁诞辰，于2015年11月30日被中共当局从尔登寺僧舍抓捕，自此失联。后被地方检察院以“筹备达赖喇嘛尊者八十大寿，参加祝寿活动”为罪由正式批捕。2016年12月6日，四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州中级法院秘密判处有期徒刑12年，刑期至2027年11月29日。

洛桑格培曾于2011年5月因政治原因被阿坝县警方拘捕，在长期羁押后被判3年有期徒刑，2013年12月提前获释。2014年7月6日，藏民为达赖喇嘛尊者举行传统祝寿活动，遭当局严厉镇压，多人被捕。洛桑格培因参与此次活动，再次被抓并长期关押。家属探监多次被拒，并遭使用汉语的不明身份人士敲诈。

次成加措 Tsultrim Gyatso

甘肃省甘南州夏河县九甲乡人，拉卜楞寺僧人

指控：分裂国家罪

刑期：无期徒刑（后减至19年）剥夺政治权利7年

逮捕日期：2008年5月22日

预计释放日期：原判决为无期徒刑，2014年减刑为19年，2020年4月再减刑6个月。可以将于2026年提前释放。

关押地点：

甘肃省天水监狱（甘肃省天水市秦城区建设路196号，邮政编码：741000）

案情说明 Case Description:

次成加措，1972年出生于甘肃省甘南自治州夏河县九甲乡，是拉卜楞寺僧人。2008年3月15日，因不满中共当局的高压政策，甘南发生大规模藏人抗议。次成加措于5月14-15日在拉卜楞寺参与示威，呼喊“祈请达赖喇嘛尊者返回西藏”等口号。

随后他被视为抗议领袖，在逃离寺庙后，于5月22日被甘南警方抓捕。2009年5月21日，甘南州中级法院以“分裂国家罪”判处其无期徒刑，并剥夺政治权利7年。上诉后维持原判，羁押期间遭受刑讯逼供，律师和亲属探视权被剥夺。

2014年，由于“表现良好”，刑期减至19年，至2033年5月21日。2020年4月再次减刑6个月，预计于2026年提前获释。现关押在甘肃省天水监狱。

曲嘉旺波 Choegyal Wangpo

西藏自治区日喀则市定日县扎那村 僧人

指控：危害国家安全罪

刑期：20年

判刑时间：2020年7月

预计释放日期：2039年9月

关押地点：

疑似被关押于西藏自治区监狱（西藏拉萨市城关区扎基路6号，邮政编码：850003）

案情说明 Case Description:

曲嘉旺波，1973年出生于西藏日喀则市定日县扎那村，是一名藏传佛教僧侣，同时长期从事慈善捐助活动。2019年8月，他前往拉萨期间不慎将手机遗失于一家咖啡馆，咖啡馆老板将手机交予警方。警方在检查手机内容时发现，其与尼泊尔藏僧保持联系，手机内存有与达赖喇嘛相关的照片和文献，并显示其曾为2015年尼泊尔地震灾后重建提供捐助。上述行为随即引发中共西藏当局的高度警觉。

2019年9月，其家乡扎那村及附近的当卓寺遭武警和公安大规模突袭，所有僧人和村民被强制参加政治洗脑教育，多名僧人遭殴打，网络通讯被切断，至少20名僧人被拘留。三天后，一名僧人因抗议遭遇迫害而自杀，其余僧人被长期超期羁押。随后，曲嘉旺波与另外3名僧人因被指“与境外藏人联系、赈济尼泊尔地震、持有达赖喇嘛相关照片或文献”而被正式逮捕并失联。

2020年7月，日喀则市中级人民法院对该4人案件进行审理，分别判处5年至20年不等的刑期，其中曲嘉旺波被判处有期徒刑20年，刑期至2039年9月。目前其疑似被关押于拉萨市扎基监狱服刑，外界对其健康状况和狱中待遇表示严重关切。

诺布顿珠 Norbu Dondrup

西藏自治区日喀则市定日县人，当卓寺法师

指控：危害国家安全罪

刑期：17 年

判刑时间：2020年7月

预计释放日期：2036年9月

关押地点：

疑似被关押于西藏自治区监狱（西藏拉萨市城关区扎基路6号，邮政编码：850003）

案情说明 Case Description：

诺布顿珠，1956年出生，西藏自治区日喀则市定日县人，系当卓寺法师，长期参与公益慈善活动。

2019年8月，当卓寺僧侣曲嘉旺波在拉萨期间不慎遗失手机，该手机随后被移交给拉萨警方。警方在查阅手机内容时发现，其与尼泊尔藏族僧侣保持联系，并存有关于2015年尼泊尔地震捐助记录以及与达赖喇嘛相关的图片和文献。上述内容引起中共西藏当局的高度警惕，并被认定为“与境外敌对势力勾结”，对国家安全构成威胁。

2019年9月，日喀则市当局出动武警和公安，对当卓寺实施突袭。寺内僧侣被强制接受政治洗脑教育，多名僧侣遭殴打，诺布顿珠在过程中严重受伤。至少20名僧侣被拘留，寺庙网络与对外通讯被切断。三天后，一名僧侣因抗议迫害而自杀，其余僧侣被长期超期羁押。随后，诺布顿珠与另外四名僧侣因被指控“与境外藏人联系、参与尼泊尔地震赈灾、持有与达赖喇嘛相关的材料”而被正式批捕。

2020年7月，案件在日喀则市中级人民法院开庭审理。诺布顿珠被判处有期徒刑17年，刑期至2036年9月。目前其疑似在西藏自治区监狱服刑，外界对其健康状况及狱中待遇表示严重关切。

罗桑金巴 Lobsang Jinpa

西藏自治区日喀则市定日县 僧人，当卓寺副院长

指控：危害国家安全罪

刑期：19年

判刑时间：2020年

预计释放日期：2038年

关押地点：

被关押于西藏自治区监狱（西藏拉萨市城关区扎基路6号，邮政编码：850003）

案情说明 Case Description：

罗桑金巴，1976年出生，西藏自治区日喀则市定日县人，为当卓寺副院长，系藏传佛教僧侣。

2019年8月至9月期间，罗桑金巴与当卓寺僧侣曲嘉旺波一同前往拉萨。期间，其手机不慎遗失并被当地警方查获。警方在检查手机内容时发现，其中存有与尼泊尔藏族僧侣的联系记录、关于2015年尼泊尔大地震灾后重建的捐款记录，以及与达赖喇嘛相关的图片和文献。上述内容引发中共西藏当局的强烈反应，被认定为“与境外势力勾结”，对国家安全构成威胁。

随后，当卓寺 遭到突袭，至少20名僧侣被拘留，并被强迫接受政治教育。

2020年，罗桑金巴与另外三名僧侣被正式逮捕，并以“危害国家安全罪”判处有期徒刑。其中，罗桑金巴被判处19年有期徒刑，刑期至2038年。目前其被关押在拉萨市扎基监狱服刑。

南杰顿珠 Namgyal Dondrup

四川省甘孜藏族自治州炉霍县人，炉霍寺僧人

指控：参与和带头示威活动

刑期：14 年

判刑时间：2013年1月26日

预计释放日期：2026年3月

关押地点：

四川省甘孜监狱（四川省甘孜藏族自治州康定县新都桥镇，邮政编码：626000）

案情说明 Case Description:

由于中共当局在西藏及其周边涉藏地区强硬推行所谓“爱国和法制宣传教育”活动，引发多地藏民的强烈不满。2012年1月23日（即当年中国农历新年初一），四川省甘孜州炉霍县发生大规模和平示威活动，当地藏民走上街头，抗议高压政策。

该示威活动随即遭到当地警方的严重武力镇压和任意抓捕，导致上百名藏人被拘捕，多人被打死或打伤。截至同年11月8日，共有36人被中共当局判处1年8个月至无期徒刑不等的刑期，另有数人在被捕后下落不明。

南杰顿珠因积极参与该抗议示威活动，于2012年3月被警方以“参与和带头示威活动”为由，从当地炉霍寺带走并刑事拘留。

2013年1月26日，甘孜藏族自治州炉霍县人民法院以其系“炉霍示威活动的主要带头人”为由，判处其有期徒刑14年，刑期至2026年3月。目前，他在四川省甘孜监狱服刑。

仓央嘉措 Tsangyang Gyatso

西藏自治区那曲市人，藏传佛教僧侣；曾任索县赤多乡珍达寺诵经师及财务主管

指控：涉嫌“与境外联系”和“煽动他人反政府活动”

刑期：有期徒刑 12 年

判刑时间：2014年10月1日

预计释放日期： 2026年3月17日

关押地点：拉萨市曲水监狱（西藏自治区拉萨市曲水县聂当乡，邮政编码：850600）

案情说明 Case Description:

2014年3月，当局发现当地有人通过手机和微信传播所谓“禁止材料”，包括转发达赖喇嘛的图片、与民族尊严相关的歌曲，以及在墙体喷涂“西藏独立”等字样。随后，地方当局迅速展开大规模抓捕行动。

2014年3月17日，仓央嘉措被当地警方从寺庙中带走，并以涉嫌“与境外联系”和“煽动他人反政府活动”为由实施刑事拘留。

2014年10月1日，当局以其“向外界保持联络”以及“鼓励寺内年轻僧人反对政府”等罪名，对其判处有期徒刑12年，刑期至2026年3月17日。

Tibetan monk sentenced to 12 years for ‘inciting separatism.’
USCIRF | Tsangyang Gyatso

次成加材 Tsultrim Gyaltsen

西藏自治区那曲地区比如县人，藏汉双语作家

指控：煽动分裂国家罪、破坏社会稳定罪

刑期：有期徒刑 13 年

判刑时间：2014年

预计释放日期：2026年9月27日

关押地点：拉萨市曲水监狱（西藏自治区拉萨市曲水县聂当乡，邮政编码：850600）

案情说明 Case Description:

次成加材1986年出生于那曲地区比如县，藏汉双语作家。2001年，他进入四川甘孜州白玉佛学院出家为僧，学习藏传佛教，并在色达五明佛学院和德格协庆寺等寺庙继续深造。

2007年，他出版多部藏文著作，包括《雪域悲歌》和《雪域命运》。2009年底还俗，进入西北民族大学攻读中文文学专业，并与同学创办《新一代》藏文杂志，担任主编，同时在藏人文化网发表多篇中文文章。

2013年，他因组织政府视为非法的讨论会被学校开除。回到家乡后，他开办业余学校，免费教授藏汉双语课程。2013年9月，由于家乡发生藏人抗议示威，他被指控“煽动分裂国家、破坏社会稳定、公开发表非法言论”。

2013年10月被逮捕，2014年西藏自治区高级法院判其犯“煽动分裂国家罪”和“破坏社会稳定罪”，判处有期徒刑13年，刑期至2026年9月27日。

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丹增桑波 Tenzin Sangpo

指控: 被指控领导针对甘孜州德格县“岗托水电站”项目的抗议活动

刑期: 尚未公布

关押地点：四川省甘孜自治州德格县看守所

丹增桑波，甘孜州德格县人，汪堆寺高级管理人员，僧侣。2024年2月23日，他因参与抗议甘孜州德格县“岗托水电站”建设而被拘捕。该项目将淹没数千户藏民的家园及六座历史悠久的藏传佛教寺庙。尽管许多参与抗议的人随后获释，丹增桑波仍被当局以“领导抗议活动”为由羁押。报道指出，参与该抗议的藏人被关押期间遭受恶劣待遇，并遭到警察殴打。

RFA｜After protest, Tibetan monastery leader and village official sent to detention center

图丹罗珠 Thupten Lodoe

指控: 煽动分裂国家、危害国家安全、破坏民族团结

刑期: 4年零5个月

关押地点: 目前不清楚他被关押的具体地点

图丹罗珠，笔名萨布切，30多岁，精通汉语、英语和藏语，是一位来自四川省甘孜自治州石渠县的作家和知识分子。他曾在西藏班禅喇嘛创办的学校学习，后来回到家乡任教。尽管中国政府提供了高薪工作，他拒绝了这份工作，选择致力于保护藏语。图丹罗珠撰写的许多文章，涉及西藏的社会、经济及文化问题，虽然内容没有违反中国宪法，但他多次因言论受到警告，并被搜查个人物品。2021年10月，他被当局强行带走，至今下落不明。据报道，图丹罗珠被控“煽动分裂国家”、“危害国家安全”和“破坏民族团结”等罪名，最终被判刑4年6个月。尽管他的大部分作品未违反任何法律，指控仍被视为对不符合政府观点的藏人进行打压的手段。关于他的下落和关押地点至今没有明确消息。

RFA｜Tibetan activist sentenced to prison for ‘separatist acts’ and ‘social disorder.’

以上是不完全整理，如果你知道有关藏人良心犯更多的信息的现状，请于我们联系！Email: chineseyouthstand4tibet@gmail.com

Source from 中国人权捍卫者网络（CHRD）| 维权网（weiquanwang）| 西藏政治犯数据库（TPPD）｜藏人行政中央（Tibet.net）

整理：Wilson, Yuqiao, 小翠, 谢拉 编辑：GD 校对：Wilson Jiangyu

发布日期：2026年2月3日

Read in English

本文全文翻译自国家声援西藏运动 ICT 文章：Central Tibetan Administration holds first round of democratic, free and fair elections for the Sikyong and the 18th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile

藏人行政中央（CTA）及其中央选举委员会（CEC）于2月1日成功举行选举。在初选中，全球数万名流亡藏人利用世界上最具创新性的去中心化投票系统之一，行使了决定自己未来的基本权利。通过这次选举，藏人以和平、民主的方式选举出藏人流亡议会（TPiE）的45名议员以及藏人行政中央的政治领袖——司政（Sikyong）。

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“国际声援西藏运动及全球所有民主与自由的支持者，祝贺藏人行政中央和藏人通过自由、公正和民主的选举来挑选他们的政治领袖。藏地属于藏人，也唯有藏人能决定西藏的未来，”国际声援西藏运动主席丹曲嘉措（Tencho Gyatso）表示。“我们鼓励美国及其他志同道合的伙伴继续倡导对话和保护藏人独特的文化、语言和宗教遗产。”

藏人议会制度由达赖喇嘛尊者于1960年引入。司政（当时称为噶伦赤巴，即内阁主席）最初由达赖喇嘛自2000年起任命，自2011年起该职位改为由全球流亡藏人直接选举产生。

2026年藏人行政中央选举概况

分布在全球30多个国家的流亡藏人将参加2026年2月和4月的选举，选出藏人行政中央的领导人。藏人行政中央被世界各地的藏人视为其合法政府。届时，藏人将选举出藏人行政中央的政治领袖——司政，以及45名藏人流亡议会议员。

位于印度达兰萨拉的西藏行政中央由三大支柱构成：司法机构，由西藏最高司法委员会代表；立法机构，由藏人流亡议会代表；以及行政机构，由司政及其内阁代表。尽管三名司法委员由藏人流亡议会选举产生，但司政以及藏人流亡议会的45名议员，则是由西藏境外、分布在世界各地的藏人通过自由、民主、直接的方式选举产生。自2011年以来，政治权力完全由经选举产生的藏人行政中央领导层行使。

中央选举委员会负责组织实施选举，包括决定并公布选举日程和相关指导原则。

选举时间表

2026年藏人行政中央选举采取两阶段的程序：首先举行初选以提名候选人，随后举行正式选举以决定最终当选者。初选定于2月1日（星期日）举行，正式选举定于4月26日（星期日）举行。为实现司政选举与藏人流亡议会选举同步举行，本届藏人流亡议会的任期已被缩短。

议会席位分配

在藏人流亡议会的议席选举中，境外的藏人选民实行一种结合“一人一票制”与“复数投票制”的混合选举制度。居住在印度次大陆（包括印度、尼泊尔和不丹）的藏人，可依据其传统籍贯地区（卫藏、康区或安多），选举10名议会议员（即：省籍议席），其中至少两名必须为女性。居住在南亚以外地区的藏人不参与省籍议席的投票；其中，欧洲地区的藏人选举2名议员，美洲地区的藏人选举2名议员，澳大利亚和新西兰以及印度次大陆以外其他亚洲国家的藏人，选举1名议员。

僧侣选民，另享有两张额外选票，用于选出各自教派（萨迦、噶举、格鲁、宁玛、苯教）的代表。藏人流亡议会共设有10个宗教代表议席。

在司政选举中，所有流亡藏人均享有同等的一人一票投票权。

投票人口与资格

所有年满18岁的藏人均有投票权。议员候选人必须年满25岁，司政候选人必须年满35岁。候选人必须持有有效的“绿皮书”，这是记录个人对藏人行政中央自愿捐款的小册子的俗称，已被公认为藏人身份的标志。2026年选举周期共有91,042名注册选民，其中56,749人来自印度次大陆，34,293人来自世界其他地区。

2026年结果公布

关于初选投票：各地方选举委员会将于2月3日进行计票（以避免藏人居住地之间的时区差异可能造成的影响），并公布地方结果。正式结果将由达兰萨拉中央选举委员会于2月25日汇总公布。在给予候选人撤回参选申请的时间后，中央选举委员会将于4月3日公布最终候选人名单。

关于正式选举：各地选举委员会将于4月28日开始计票，完成后公布地方结果。中央选举委员会将于5月13日公布最终结果。当选的藏人行政中央领导人将于5月31日宣誓就职，任期五年。

官方口号：中央选举委员会宣布2026年选举官方口号定为“我是藏人，我为西藏投票”，称该口号“彰显藏人的团结与力量”。

翻译： Wilson 编辑：GD

所有图片均转载至网络，如您认为有不妥之处请与我们联络！

Editor’s Note: When Mr. Gyalo Thondup passed away last year, I was in the snow-covered countryside. Zhang Yadi mentioned she had finished reading The Noodle Maker of Kalimpo and decided to write an article. Losang said he listened to Radio Taiwan International’s interview with Jia Leduozhu’s daughter-in-law, Meili Chow, and also wanted to transcribe the recording for publication. We published the lengthy piece: The Noodle Maker of Kalimpo Has Passed Away — A Retrospective on the Legendary Life of the Dalai Lama’s Second Brother, Gyalo Thondup. After completing this manuscript, we were all exhausted but felt profoundly satisfied: “A modern history of Tibet!” That was Zhang Yadi’s assessment at the time. But times have changed. Now, a year later, the young co-author Tara Zhang Yadi, who once collaborated with me, is imprisoned, and the elderly witness to Tibet’s modern vicissitudes has passed away for exactly one year. Today, I have transcribed last year’s Radio Taiwan International’s program into text, allowing us to revisit this elder’s storied past through the intimate lens of his family.

At the foot of the Himalayas lies the small town of Kalimpo, a frontier stronghold where India meets Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh, bordering Sikkim and Darjeeling.

In a simple cottage, a man in his nineties often sits by the window, gazing toward distant snow-capped mountains. Meili Chow mentioned in the radio interview that the house faces directly toward his homeland, Tibet. For over two decades in his twilight years, he spent nearly every day here, looking toward the land he could never return to.

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This was Gyalo Thondup, the second-oldest brother of the Dalai Lama. Born into a horse-breeding family in the village of Taktser, Amdo, Tibet, he studied at Chiang Kai-shek’s official residence in his youth. Defying convention, he later married a Han Chinese woman. Amidst the tumultuous historical upheavals, he shuttled between Taiwan, India, Lhasa, and Washington, D.C., negotiating for the future of the Tibetan people. An exceptional diplomat and statesman, he represented the Dalai Lama in negotiations with Zhou Enlai, high-ranking officials of the Republic of China, CIA agents, Indian military and political leaders, Deng Xiaoping, and Hu Yaobang.

From an Amdo Farmhouse to the Nanjing Official Residence

Gyalo Thondup was born in 1928 near Amdo’s Kumbum Monastery into a simple farming family. He would later often tell his family, “We were country folk to begin with.” In an interview with Taiwan’s Central Broadcasting Station, Meili Chow recalled that the Dalai Lama’s mother, Diki Tsering, had seven children, three of whom were recognized as reincarnated Rinpoches. Gyalo Thondup was the son who “didn’t become a monk but instead entered the political world.” Diki Tsering said that after her fourth son was recognized as the reincarnated Dalai Lama, “the fate of their entire family was completely rewritten.”

Gyalo Thondup with his parents and his baby brother, who would be known as the 14th Dalai Lama

In his teens, the Tibetan government sent Gyalo Thondup to Nanjing, the capital of the Republic of China, to study at the Political Cadre Training School. During that era of Chiang Kai-shek’s rule and the “Dang Guo,” he was no ordinary student. Instead, he was placed under Chiang’s direct supervision and “looked after” by the Chiang family. Meili Chow specifically noted in an interview that he did not receive formal schooling but rather private tutoring akin to a traditional Chinese academy. Chiang Kai-shek hired teachers to instruct him in Chinese and history at home. Over time, he became exceptionally fluent in the language—a skill that later helped him navigate between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.

In Nanjing, he met Zhu Dan, the daughter of a Kuomintang general. The two fell in love and eventually married. This union was not a political arrangement but a free choice of the heart. Though older than him and raised in a wealthy Kuomintang official’s family, Zhu Dan chose to follow this young Tibetan man from Amdo into a completely unknown future. Initially, this union was not blessed by his family in Lhasa, as Zhu Dan was Han Chinese, and at that time, various Han-dominated political forces were watching Lhasa with eagle eyes.

One Year in Taiwan: The Second Eldest Brother “Trapped”

In 1949, the Communist regime was established, and the Kuomintang retreated to Taiwan. By then, Gyalo Thondup had already discerned that “the Red Forces would soon encroach upon Lhasa.” His foremost concern was to return to Tibet urgently to warn the Kashag and nobility: this regime change was unlike any before.

Yet history often shifts course at pivotal moments. Intending to return via Hong Kong, he was denied a visa by India. He detoured to Manila, only to be “persuaded” by local Kuomintang officials to go to Taiwan instead. Upon arriving in Taiwan, he stayed at the Grand Hotel only to discover Chiang Kai-shek had no intention of letting him leave. For the Kuomintang, “the Dalai Lama’s second eldest brother” was a crucial card to play for the Tibet issue—one they could not easily let go. Thus, he was placed under “house arrest” in Taiwan for a year.

Meili Chow recounted a telling detail in the interview: One day at the Grand Hotel bar, he happened to meet a soldier from the U.S. Military Assistance and Advisory Group. Half-jokingly, half-desperately, he pleaded: “Please convey to the U.S. State Department or the White House that I must leave Taiwan.” The soldier actually relayed the message. Ultimately, with American intervention, Chiang reluctantly agreed to release him.

​

After that, he had the opportunity to study at Stanford, but he confessed to his family that he simply couldn’t bring himself to focus on being a student abroad—the situation in Lhasa, the safety of the Dalai Lama, and the future of Tibet mattered far more to him than his personal prospects. So he turned his attention elsewhere: India, secret communications, international lobbying, and later, that rather legendary period of collaboration with the CIA.

CIA, Kham Guerrillas, and the 1959 Escape

In the 1950s, as the People’s Liberation Army advanced westward from Kham, Lhasa—though distant—gradually felt the mounting pressure. Large numbers of armed and discontented Kham Tibetans fled toward Lhasa and the south, where grassroots armed groups began to form. It was against this backdrop that the later widely known “Chushi Gangdruk” guerrilla forces emerged.

In an interview, Meili Chow stated that Gyalo Thondup “was among the first to see through the Chinese Communists.” He foresaw that the Dalai Lama would eventually have to leave Tibet, so he proactively laid all possible “backup plans” in India: establishing relations with the Indian government to secure Nehru’s acceptance; simultaneously seeking external support through the United States.

Gyalo Thundop speaks at a programme

The collaboration with the CIA began during this time. Gyalo Thondup facilitated the transport of Kham guerrillas to Guam and Colorado for training—the latter’s high-altitude terrain resembling that of Tibet. Upon completion, these operatives were airlifted back to Tibet equipped with radios, funds, and partial weaponry, becoming integral components of the underground liaison network and armed forces.

In Meili Chow’s account, a crucial assessment emerges: without these guerrillas, it remains uncertain whether the Dalai Lama could have successfully escaped Lhasa and ensured his own safety in 1959. It was precisely these individuals—providing cover in the valleys and establishing positions near the border—who secured the escape route that determined the course of Tibet’s modern history.

Yet this collaboration with the CIA also became one of the heaviest shadows of his later years. In his autobiography and interviews, he confessed that when he closed his eyes, he often saw the faces of those guerrilla fighters—some who died in battle, some who could never return home, and some who lived on, yet spent their youth perpetually “prepared for sacrifice.” It was for this reason that he declared, “One of the most painful decisions of my life was that period of cooperation.” He did not deny its historical significance, but rather struggled to confront the price that the generation paid for Tibet.

Members of the Kham guerrilla resistance

After the Cold War’s pivot, Kissinger visited China, reshaping Sino-American relations. Beijing demanded, “Cease supporting Tibetan armed forces.” America turned and left, forcing guerrillas to lay down their weapons. To help them accept this reality, the Dalai Lama personally recorded an audio tape for them to listen to one by one—Meili Chow said those men wept as they listened. Gyalo Thondup witnessed all this and could not help but feel anger. Yet he understood better than anyone that in the grand chessboard of great power politics, Tibet would never occupy a central position at the table.

Opening Beijing’s Door: Hong Kong, Deng Xiaoping, and a Decade of Shuttle Diplomacy

If the Gyalo Thondup of the 1950s operated in the shadows, coordinating guns and radios, the Gyalo Thondup of the late 1970s had, in another sense, “entered enemy territory”.

After the Cultural Revolution, he chose to reside in Hong Kong—then still a British territory, home to remnants of the Kuomintang and Communist outposts like the Xinhua News Agency Hong Kong Branch.

He knew that to initiate dialogue, he must position himself at this critical edge.

In 1979, with the Dalai Lama’s approval, he led a delegation to Beijing and met Deng Xiaoping. This marked the first time since the 1959 exodus that Tibetans had entered Beijing as an official delegation. Deng’s often-quoted statement—“Everything is negotiable except independence”—originated during this encounter.

Over the next decade, Gyalo Thondup shuttled between Beijing, Tibetan regions within China, and overseas. He was never permitted to return to Lhasa. When the delegation approached the outskirts of Lhasa, the Chinese Communist Party abruptly halted the visit due to what they termed “excessively enthusiastic Tibetan welcomes,” citing “for your safety” as the reason. In an interview, Meili Chow remarked: “It seemed like they were always talking, but the end result was agreeing to disagree—as if everything could be discussed, yet nothing was ever truly implemented.”

However, these were not wasted years. It was precisely through these visits that Tibetans inside and outside the region reestablished connections with one another: families reunited, information flowed, and the outside world finally learned what had truly transpired in Tibet during those decades. Delegation members met with Tibetan officials serving in mainland positions, such as the Panchen Lama and Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, discovering that “their loyalty to the Dalai Lama had never wavered”. Those viewed externally as “potential traitors” gained a different understanding through internal communication.

For Gyalo Thondup, this phase saw him evolve beyond being merely an “anti-communist fighter” into a seasoned and cautious negotiator. He consistently adhered to one principle: maintaining communication channels with Beijing was essential, as without them, no resolution to the Tibet issue was possible.

The Kalon Tripa, the Refugee Self-Help Center, and a Han Chinese Woman

What many overlook is that while navigating international diplomacy and China negotiations, he also shouldered substantial administrative responsibilities within the exile government. In the early 1990s, he served as Kalon Tripa (later renamed Sikyong, the equivalent of a Chief Minister) of the Central Tibetan Administration and as Security Minister. Within the system, he was the “Prime Minister”; outside it, he functioned as the Dalai Lama’s trusted family representative and political coordinator.

Another thread running through his exile life was his wife, Zhu Dan, whose Tibetan name was Dekyi Dolkar (Means: the blessed white Tara)

This Han Chinese woman, daughter of a Kuomintang general, chose to follow her husband from Nanjing to India, never to set foot on Chinese soil again. Meili Chow recounted in an interview: The Chinese Communist Party once sent a message to Zhu Dan through Gyalo Thondup, stating they had repaired her ancestral graves and hoped she would return to visit—the ancestral graves being an emotional call many Chinese find hardest to resist. But having witnessed decades of tumultuous Sino-Tibetan history, she replied: That place was no longer her homeland, and she would never return in her lifetime.

Zhu Dan and Gyalo Thondup with their children

She remained in Darjeeling and Kalimpong, establishing the “Tibetan Refugee Self-Help Centre” and insisting on “self-reliance” rather than accepting aid. She spearheaded the creation of carpet factories and handicraft workshops, enabling wave after wave of fleeing Tibetans—arriving with nothing—to gain a foothold through their own labor. Meili Chow notes that while the community has dwindled to mostly elderly residents—nearly becoming a “retirement home”—it remains a significant local tourist attraction and a testament to the history of exile.

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The home built by Gyalo Thondup and Zhu Dan in Kalimpong, known among Tibetans as “Taktser House,” served both as their residence and one of the Dalai Lama’s early shelters after his escape. The Dalai Lama’s mother, sister, and brother had all lived here with them. This home served as both a “family sanctuary” and a “temporary headquarters for exile politics.”

The Noodle Maker Gazing Toward His Homeland

In his later years, Gyalo Thondup seemingly “retired from the limelight,” running Kalimpong’s noodle factory and becoming known in town as the “master noodle maker.” In 2015, he collaborated with scholar Anne F. Thurston to publish his English-language memoir, The Noodle Maker of Kalimpong: The Untold Story of my Struggle for Tibet, recounting how he navigated the Cold War between China, India, and the United States.

Meili Chow said in a radio interview that she had spent several consecutive days discussing the book paragraph by paragraph with her father-in-law. He told her that in his twilight years, whenever he closed his eyes, he often saw the faces of his deceased guerrilla comrades. That sense of guilt and unease meant his assessment of that period of history was forever tinged with complex emotions.

Yet when discussing Tibet’s future, he would revert to his resolute tone. He once told Chinese Communist Party officials: “Either you wipe out all six million Tibetans, or you’ll face the reality of your own proverb: ‘even a prairie fire cannot destroy the grass - it grows again when the breeze blows! ‘“ As Meili Chow recounted, this statement was not a threat but a sober assessment: Tibetans would not vanish, and their pursuit of freedom and dignity would not cease under oppression.

Gyalo Thondup and his brother H.H. The Dalai Lama

On the evening of February 8, 2025, this “noodle maker” passed away peacefully at his home in Kalimpong, India, at the age of 97. The following day, the Dalai Lama presided over a prayer ceremony held in his honor in India. Some Tibetans remarked that if he had merely been “the Dalai Lama’s elder brother,” the ceremony might not have been personally presided over by the Dalai Lama. What was truly being commemorated was his choice to “live a life with almost no private existence, dedicating himself entirely to the cause of Tibet.”

At the end of the interview, Meili Chow mentioned that the Dalai Lama once expressed the hope that Gyalo Thondup would be reborn as a Tibetan in his next life and continue to fight for the Tibetan cause. This remark, while sounding like religious language, also carries a historical observation: in that era, without such a man—who understood both Chinese and Tibetan, who walked through the Nanjing residence and sat in the Dalai Lama’s palace in Dharamsala, who collaborated with American politicians and the CIA while also engaging in dialogue with Communist leaders like Deng Xiaoping and Xi Zhongxun—many pivotal moments in Tibet’s modern history might have unfolded quite differently.

As a reader, after finishing his story, I recall that opening scene: at the foot of the Himalayas, on a small hill in Kalimpong, an old man gazes toward the snow-capped mountains to the north. Outside the window lay the land he could never leave behind yet could never return to; inside, noodle-making machines, documents, old photographs, and the unrelenting weight of his concerns. This, perhaps, was who Gyalo Thondup was: both a master strategist in national politics and the uncle who served a bowl of hot noodles to refugees.

Gyalo Thondup and Amala Jétsün Pema

Full text adaptation producer: Lobsang
Integrated Editing, Graphics Designer: Ginger Duan
English translator: Gedun

This article was completed with the assistance of Gemini and Perplexity.

All images and sounds are from publicly available online sources. If you believe there are any issues or copyright disputes, please contact us!

Referance

中国之春 ： 达赖喇嘛二哥嘉乐敦珠其人其事

台湾中央广播电台原声原文：達賴喇嘛二哥嘉樂敦珠其人其事

Tara Freesoul:

华语青年挺藏会

The Noodle Maker of Kalimpong Has Passed – In Memory of Dalai Lama’s Second-oldest Brother, Gyalo Thondup

Gyalo Thondup (5th Nov. 1928~8th Feb. 2025…

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a year ago · 2 likes · 华语青年挺藏会

在喜马拉雅山脚下的噶伦堡小城，是印度与西藏，尼泊尔，不丹，孟加拉国交界的边陲要塞，紧邻锡金和大吉岭。

在一座简朴的小屋里，一位九十多岁的老人，常常坐在窗边，望向远方的雪山。周美里在电台访谈里说，这座房子的方向，正好是对着他的故乡图博。在他晚年的二十多年里，他几乎每天都在这里，看着自己再也回不去的故土方向。

他是达赖喇嘛的二哥嘉乐顿珠，出生于青海平安县的一户养马农家，青年时他住在蒋介石的官邸读书，后来力排众议娶了汉人妻子，在历史风云激变的时代，为奔走于台湾，印度，拉萨和美国华府等地为藏民族的未来斡旋谈判。他是杰出的外交家和政治家，先后代表达赖喇嘛与周恩来，中华民国高层，美国CIA官员，印度军政官员，邓小平，胡耀邦会谈周旋。

​从青海农家，到南京官邸

嘉乐顿珠出生在1928年的青海塔尔寺附近，出身一个质朴的农家。他后来常对家人说，“我们本来就是农村人”。周美里在台湾中央广播电台的访谈中回忆，达赖喇嘛的母亲德吉才仁有七个孩子，其中就有三位转世仁波切，而嘉乐顿珠是那个“没出家、反而走进政治世界的儿子”。德吉才仁说，他的四儿子被认证为转世灵童达赖喇嘛后，“他们全家的命运被彻底改写”。

十几岁时，拉萨噶厦政府把嘉乐顿珠送去中华民国首都南京，他进入政工干校学习。在那是蒋介石主政、“党国合一”的年代，他并不是普通的留学生，而是被安置在蒋介石身边，由蒋家“照顾”。周美里在访谈里特别提到：他接受的不是正规学校教育，而是类似私塾式的家教，蒋介石请老师到家里教他中文和历史。久而久之，他的中文说得极为流利——这门语言，后来成了他在国民党、中共之间辗转游走的工具。​

在南京，他认识了国民党上将的女儿朱丹，两人陷入爱河，后来成婚。这段婚姻并非政治安排，而是两人自由恋爱，朱丹比他年长，在富裕的国民党官宦家庭长大，却选择跟着这位来自青海的藏族青年，走向一个完全未知的未来。​这段婚姻一开始并不被拉萨的家人们祝福，因为朱丹是汉人，而那个时候各方汉人主导的政治势力正虎视眈眈的盯着拉萨。

台湾一年，“被困住”的二哥

1949年，中共政权建立，国民党撤退台湾。此时嘉乐顿珠已经看出“红色势力很快会逼近拉萨”，他心中最重要的念头，是赶紧回到拉萨提醒噶厦和贵族们：这一次的政权更迭和以往不一样。​

但历史总在细节处改变走向。他打算经香港回中国，却被印度拒发签证，只好绕到马尼拉，再被驻地国民党人员“劝”去台湾。抵台之后，他住在圆山饭店，却发现蒋介石不愿放他离开——对国民党来说，“达赖喇嘛的二哥”是一张极重要的西藏牌，不可能轻易放走。于是，他在台湾被“软禁”了一年。​

周美里在访谈里讲到一个细节：有一天，他在圆山饭店的酒吧里，偶然遇见美军顾问团的一名军人，便半开玩笑半绝望地请求对方：“请你帮我转告美国国务院或白宫，我必须离开台湾。”这位军人真的把信息上报了。最终，在美国的介入下，蒋介石才勉强同意放人。​

从那以后，他本有机会去斯坦福读书，但他对家人坦言，根本不可能安心当个留学生——拉萨的局势、达赖喇嘛的安危、百万藏人的未来，对他来说远比个人前途更重要。于是，他转身投入了另一个方向：印度、秘密联络、国际游说，以及后来那段颇具传奇色彩的CIA合作。​

CIA、康巴游击队与1959年的逃亡

1950年代，解放军自康区向西推进，拉萨远远地，却逐渐能感到压力。大量康巴藏人带着武器与不满逃向拉萨和南方，民间自发武装开始组织。后来广为人知的“四水六岗”游击队，正是在这样的背景下形成。​

周美里在访谈中说，嘉乐顿珠“是最早看清中共的人之一”，他预感达赖喇嘛迟早要被迫离开藏地，因此提前在印度布置所有可能的“后路”：与印度政府建立关系，争取尼赫鲁的接纳；同时通过美国，寻找外援。​

与CIA的合作，就是在这时开始的。嘉乐顿珠协助把康巴游击队员送往关岛与美国科罗拉多州受训——后者的高原地形与青藏高原相似。训练结束后，这些人带着无线电、资金和部分武器，被空投回西藏，成为地下联络线与武装力量的一部分。​

在周美里的叙述里，有一个关键判断：如果没有这些游击队员，1959年达赖喇嘛能否成功脱离拉萨并保护自身安全，是一个未知数。正是这些人在山谷间的掩护、在边界线附近的布点，撑起了那次决定图博现代历史走向的出走路线。​

然而，这段与CIA的合作，也成了他晚年最沉重的阴影之一。他在自传和谈话中坦言，闭上眼时常常看见那些游击队员的脸——有人战死，有人终生无法回乡，有人活着，却始终在“准备牺牲”的状态中度过青春。也因此，他才说出“这一生最痛的决定之一就是那段合作”，并不是否认其历史意义，而是难以面对那一代人为民族自由付出的代价。​

冷战转向之后，基辛格访华，中美关系重新布局，北京开口要求“停止支持藏人游击队武装”。美国转身离场，游击队员被迫放下武器。为了让他们接受这个现实，达赖喇嘛亲自录制一盘录音带，让他们逐个听完——周美里说，那些汉子边听边流泪。嘉乐顿珠看着这一切，不可能没有愤怒，但他比谁都清楚，大国博弈里，西藏永远不在牌桌中央。​

推开北京的门：香港、邓小平与十年往返

如果说1950年代的嘉乐顿珠，是在暗处调动枪和电台，那么1970年代末的他，则是在另一个意义上“走进敌营”。

文革结束后，他选择住在香港——那时的香港还是英属地，有国民党的旧力量，也有中共的“新华社香港分社”等前哨机构。他知道，若想打开对话，一定要靠近这个边缘地带。

​1979年，他征得达赖喇嘛同意，率代表团赴北京，见到了邓小平。这是1959年流亡之后，藏人方面第一次以正式代表团身份踏入北京。邓那句后来被反复引用的话——“除了独立，什么都可以谈”——就是在这段接触中提出的。​

此后的十多年里，嘉乐顿珠不断往返台湾、北京、内地藏区与海外。他并没有被允许回到拉萨，代表团在接近拉萨外围时，中共因藏人过度热烈的欢迎而紧急叫停，理由是“为了你们的安全”。周美里在访谈中说：“看上去彼此一直在谈，但最后的结果是 agree to not agree ——好像什么都能谈，却什么都没有真正落实。”

​然而，这并不是白费的十年。正是这些访问，让境内外藏人重新建立了彼此的联系：家人团聚，消息流通，外界才知道图博三区在那些几十年里到底发生了什么。代表团成员与班禅喇嘛、阿沛·阿旺晋美等在内地担任职务的藏人干部会面，发现“他们对达赖喇嘛的忠诚从未动摇”。那些被外界视为“可能是叛徒”的人，在内部沟通中获得了另一种理解。​

对嘉乐顿珠来说，这一阶段，他不再只是“反共斗士”，而更像一名老练而小心的谈判者。他始终坚持一条线：必须保持和北京的沟通渠道，不然西藏问题没有任何解决的可能。​

噶伦赤巴、难民自助中心与一位汉人女性

很多人不知道的是，在他参与国际布局与对华谈判的同时，他也实实在在承担了流亡政府内部的行政责任。1990年代初，他出任藏人行政中央的噶伦赤巴（后称司政，相当于首席部长），并曾担任安全部部长。在体制内，他是“首相”；在体制外，他则是达赖喇嘛信任的家族代表和政治协调者。​

而在另一条线索里，有一个人贯穿了他的流亡人生：他的妻子朱丹，她的藏名叫德吉卓嘎 Dekyi Dolkar（意为：幸福的白度母）

这位汉人女性，国民党将军之女，选择跟随丈夫从南京到印度，再也没有踏上中国的土地。周美里在访谈中转述：中共曾通过嘉乐顿珠向朱丹“递话”，说已经帮她修好祖坟，希望她回去看看——祖坟，是许多中国人最难拒绝的情感召唤。但见证了多年汉藏历史风云起伏的她回答：那个地方已经不再是她的家乡，她这一生都不会再回去。​

她留在大吉岭、噶伦堡，创办“藏人难民自助中心”，坚持“自助”而不是单纯接受救济。她推动建立地毯工厂、手工业作坊，让一批批逃出来、一无所有的藏人靠自己的劳动站稳脚跟。周美里说，如今那里人少多老，几乎成了“养老院”，却依然是当地重要的观光点，也是一段流亡史的见证。​

嘉乐顿珠和朱丹在噶伦堡自建的家，被藏人称为“塔策尔屋”（Taktser House），既是住所，也是达赖喇嘛出逃后早期落脚之地之一。达赖喇嘛的母亲、妹妹、弟弟，都曾在这里与他们共同生活。可以说，这个家既是“家族的避难所”，也是“流亡政治的临时总部”。

望向故土的制面师

晚年的嘉乐顿珠，表面上“退居幕后”，经营着噶伦堡的制面厂，成了镇上人口中的“做面条的老师傅”。2015年，他与学者石文安（Anne F. Thurston）合作出版了英文回忆录《噶伦堡的制面人：我不为人知的图博奋斗故事》，讲述自己如何在冷战与中国、印度、美国之间周旋。

周美里在电台访谈中说，她曾连续几天与公公一起对这本书逐段讨论。他跟她说，晚年闭上眼睛，常常看到的是那些已经去世的游击队战友的脸，那份愧疚与不安，使得他对于那一段历史的评价，永远带着复杂的心情。​

然而，在谈到图博未来时，他又会恢复那种硬朗的语气。他曾对中共官员说：“你们要么就把六百万藏人全杀光，要么就会像你们自己说的那句成语：‘野火烧不尽，春风吹又生’！”在周美里的转述里，这句话不是威胁，而是一种冷静的判断：藏人不会消失，对自由与尊严的追求也不会因为高压而终止。​

2025年2月8日傍晚，这位“制面师”在印度噶伦堡的家中安然离世，享年97岁。第二天，达赖喇嘛在印度主持了为他而设的祈祷法会。有藏人评论说，如果他只是“达赖喇嘛的哥哥”，这场法会未必会由达赖喇嘛亲自主持；真正被纪念的，是他那种“几乎没有私人生活，一生都在为图博奔走”的选择。

周美里在访谈最后提到，达赖喇嘛曾说：希望嘉乐顿珠下辈子还能转生为藏人，继续为藏人的事业奋斗。这句话，听上去像是宗教祝福 ，却也像是一种历史观察：在那个时代，如果没有这样一个人——通晓藏汉英语，既走过南京官邸又坐过达兰萨拉的行宫，既与美国政客CIA中情局合作又与共产党的邓小平习仲勋对话——西藏近代史许多节点，恐怕会是另一种写法。​

作为一个读者，我读完他的故事，再想起那个开头的画面：喜马拉雅山脚下，噶伦堡的小山丘上，一位老人望向北方雪山。窗外，是他这一生离不开却回不去的地方；窗内，是制面机、文件、旧照片，以及从未放下的牵挂。这大概就是嘉乐顿珠：既是西藏政治的操盘者，也是给藏人难民端上一碗热面的叔叔。

全文转制：洛桑 融合编辑，制图：Ginger Duan
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参考资料

中国之春 ： 达赖喇嘛二哥嘉乐敦珠其人其事

台湾中央广播电台原声原文：達賴喇嘛二哥嘉樂敦珠其人其事

华语青年挺藏会

噶伦堡的制面师走了——回顾达赖喇嘛二哥嘉乐顿珠的传奇人生 【多图】

嘉乐顿珠（1928.11.05-2025.02.08）…

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a year ago · 6 likes · 华语青年挺藏会

One occurred on November 11, 2025, when a landslide caused the Hongqi (literally “the Red Flag”) Bridge—completed less than a year prior—to collapse with a thunderous roar into the canyon.

The other took place just 1.7 km away, in the autumn of 2021: the young archaeologist Liu Tuo fell to his death while making a final record of Tibetan Buddhist murals in the Jiazha’erjia Mountain cave site, which was about to be inundated by the reservoir.

(Left: A satellite image from May 2025 after the first phase of water impoundment at the Shuangjiangkou Hydropower Station. The completed dam at the bottom right has severed the river. The Hongqi Grand Bridge (31.821°N, 101.907°E) at the top has not yet collapsed. Mount Jiazha’erjia (31.806°N, 101.902°E), where Liu Tuo fell, has been partially leveled. The water level has risen significantly, widening the river and submerging everything below the mountainside. Right: A satellite image from 2014 before construction, showing Mount Jiazha’erjia intact and the original landscape.)

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One was the deafening roar of a recent disaster site; the other, the low echo of a young scholar falling to the canyon floor. Looking back now, the collapse of the Hongqi Bridge does not appear to be an isolated catastrophe. Rather, it feels like an echo of Liu Tuo’s death reverberating through the valley. They are linked by an invisible thread: a chain reaction of extractive development carried out in the name of “development.” Mountains can be blasted, rivers can be dammed, and the villages, sacred sites, culture, and memories of the Tibetan people are all treated as disposable costs for the sake of economic progress.

More than an Engineering Accident

The Hongqi Bridge on National Highway 317 was once promoted as a “Lifeline in the Clouds.” In official footage, it spanned the gorge with piers soaring into the mist against a backdrop of majestic peaks—hailed as a “green road for ecological protection” and a “path of unity for ethnic solidarity.”

(The “Bridge in the Clouds” under construction from the official perspective. Source: Sichuan Road & Bridge Corporation, January 2025.)

However, at approximately 4:00 PM on November 11, 2025, a landslide struck the right-bank abutment of the bridge. Sections of the structure fractured and gave way. The bridge deck, along with its massive piers, smashed into the valley, sending plumes of dust exploding along the riverbank. In videos of the event, a voice cries out in bewilderment: “The bridge is gone!” It had been open to traffic for less than ten months.

(Video screenshot of the collapse. Source: China National Radio.)

(Satellite image of the bridge after collapse. Source: BlackSky.)

This time, news reports repeatedly emphasized that there were “no casualties.” This was because a Tibetan driver named Tsering Si Tenzin (reported only under the Chinese rendering 三郎石旦真) had spotted cracks the previous day, leading to an emergency closure and the redirection of vehicles. Numerically, it was indeed “lucky”—as if, so long as no one died, everyone could breathe a sigh of relief.

But if we look further back, it becomes clear that this was more than a mere engineering accident.

On May 1, 2025, Shuangjiangkou completed Phase I impoundment, raising the water level to 2,344.3 meters above sea level, with a depth increase of more than 90 meters and a storage volume of 110 million cubic meters. On October 10, 2025, Phase II impoundment began, with the water level rising by more than 70 meters and storage reaching 660 million cubic meters. Within approximately seven months, the water level rose by more than 160 meters. This rate and magnitude of rising water set a world record. Just one month after Phase II began, the Hongqi Bridge, located in the heart of the reservoir area, collapsed.

The Shuangjiangkou station is situated in a high-altitude region with intense erosion and extremely complex geological structures. The Dadu River carves through deep canyons often exceeding 1,000 meters in depth. The geological environment was inherently unstable. Local villagers noted that once the water began to rise, landslides became frequent; the slope behind their old village collapsed after the first phase of impoundment. A reservoir exerts immense weight; such rapid and massive water accumulation easily triggers landslides and collapses—phenomena frequently observed in other large-scale reservoirs such as the Three Gorges.

Following the collapse, officials stated they would organize experts for on-site verification and establish a special task force. Since then, there has been little follow-up. Most reporting on the bridge stopped there. The Tibetans who actually live in this valley appeared only as background figures or blurred “relocated villagers.”

(For the Shuangjiangkou project, the Jinchuan County government demolished Tibetan homes; prayer flags flutter over the rubble. Official media captured these photos to showcase the “resolute action” of leaders in “creating favorable conditions for construction.” Source: Jinchuan County Government Website.)

In early feasibility studies, one official “challenge” was the need to relocate around 6,000 “Tibetan-area resettlers,” alongside “prominent ethnic and religious issues.” Given the local demographics, the vast majority of those forced to leave were Tibetan. In another official report on the western route of the South-to-North Water Diversion Project, Shuangjiangkou—treated as part of a water-source reservoir system—is brushed into a single sentence claiming that “Challenges such as migrants in the submerged area and the handling of religious facilities have been basically resolved.” It was as if entire communities and sacred spaces between mountains and rivers were merely checkboxes on a to-do list..

In a report by The Paper, a villager from Ying’geluo Village in Baiwan Township says something few people notice: their old village used to be by the river, but after impoundment, the old houses collapsed into the water. They now live in a temporary prefab resettlement site along the reservoir. “I just went back to the prefab village a week ago,” he said. “Now that the bridge is down, we can’t go back again.” In the news, this is only a passing detail, but for him, it is the second time he “can’t go back”: first, the water swallowed the old village; second, the bridge built for this very reservoir collapsed, cutting off even the new resettlement site across the river.

(Sichuan Road & Bridge Corporation, January 2025：The scene of the closing ceremony of the Hongqi Extra-Large Bridge.)

In the engineering system, he is just a digit among 6,000 migrants. In the news, he is simply “a villager interviewed.” In planning documents and official prose, he and thousands like him—families rooted here for generations—are summarized as “obstacles” to construction. But for each Tibetan like him, every “bang” in this valley—the damming of the river, the relocation of caves, the demolition of villages, the collapse of bridges—rewrites the roads beneath their feet, the mountains above their heads, and whether they can still return to the place their ancestors called home.

These stories never appear in the mainstream narrative, and they are never told through the lens of Tibetan identity.

In this valley of constant upheaval, there is one more person who cannot go back. He was not on the list of migrants, but he chose to use his footsteps and his camera to guard the caves and stupas destined to be submerged or razed. Four years ago, while recording Tibetan Buddhist mural caves, a young archeologist fell from a cliff two kilometers from the dam. His death was a crack in the valley’s lifeline; the collapse of the bridge is the echo passing through that crack.

Another Road That Ends at the Cliff: The Death of Liu Tuo

Turn back four years to Jiazha’erjia Mountain in Barkam County (马尔康市 · འབར་ཁམས་གྲོང་ཁྱེར།), Ngawa Prefecture(阿坝州 · རྔ་བ་ཁུལ།), Sichuan. On October 26, 2021, Liu Tuo, a PhD from Peking University’s School of Archaeology and Museology, died in an accident while surveying cultural relics slated for “off-site protection” (relocation). He was only 31. His friends later found the last photo on his camera: a “National Treasure” mural inside the Jiazha’erjia caves.

（The last photos of Liu Tuo before his death; at that time, the vegetation in Jiazha’erjia was still lush. 2021.10.26）

It is a mountain whose name most people wouldn’t recognize, yet its caves held 14th and 15th-century Tibetan Buddhist murals and stupas. After the Shuangjiangkou hyperpower project was approved and construction advanced, the area was designated for submersion, and the Jiazha’erjia caves were included in a 2018 plan for relocation and off-site preservation.

Relocation, off-site, preservation—these words sound reassuring. In practice, they mean the original cave site will be submerged or destroyed, and the only option is to cut murals from the rock walls and move them elsewhere. The mountain no longer matters; the sacred geography no longer matters. What matters is that the “cultural relic” is “preserved” in a climate-controlled hall for display.

(Photo of the murals in their original location in the Jiazha’erjia Caves)

At the original site, the rock walls are so coarse that they seem to retain the mountain’s first breath. There is but a single step between the devotee and the Buddha. Prayer flags—old and new—flutter above the stupas, layered one upon another. They are evidence of those who came before and those who continue to come. This is not an exhibit sealed behind glass and placards; it is a shrine still bowed to in devotion. The incense had never stopped burning; the offerings never ceased. The Buddha’s statues and murals stand as living presences—gods who listened to prayers and protected all beings.

(Rendering of the new museum for the Jiazha’erjia murals)

The new museum, built for “off-site preservation,” however, looks like a giant concrete wedge driven into the hillside. With its cool-toned façade, sharp angles, and expansive glass curtain walls, it looks in the snow like a contemporary art museum that could appear anywhere. It almost entirely erases Tibetan architectural language: no stupas, no kora (circumambulation) path, no mani stones. Even if prayer flags appear, they are reduced to decorative landscaping. The Buddhas and murals, once embedded in the living rock, are now specimens in climate-controlled cases—an “exotic spectacle” for consumption. For Tibetans, the original caves are a sacred place of encounter with the divine; the new museum is more like a carefully arranged glass display window, where visitors can safely admire a “Tibetan artifact” stripped from its land and rendered as a specimen.

(Exterior view and antechamber of the original site of the Jiazhaljia Mountain Caves (photographed by 莎萝蔓蛇 in December 2021) In Figure 5, the green circle indicates the location of the cave. Figure 6 shows a photo taken by a netizen in 2023, where the cave entrance has been sealed with cement. This area was submerged after the Shuangjiangkou Reservoir was filled with water :(

(CCTV footage showing the Shuangjiangkou reservoir after Phase I of impoundment. Mount Jiazha’erjia is in the center; part of the ridge has been leveled for construction, and the lower half is submerged.)

Liu Tuo wanted to see and record these murals and stupas one last time as they were—bound to the mountain and the divine—before they were sliced, numbered, and boxed. That is why, before the reservoir filled and the murals moved, he chose to shoulder his camera and take the perilous mountain path.

According to reports, on the evening of October 26, 2021, Liu Tuo traveled with three others to the Jiazha’erjia caves. Three turned back because the route was too dangerous, leaving Liu to continue alone. While climbing the rock face, he fell. Around 8:40 p.m. on October 26, a bystander called the police; rescuers found him severely injured and unconscious. Despite rescue efforts, he died at age 31.

Liu Tuo, a PhD graduate of Peking University’s archaeology program, was known by many as a “roving scholar.” Over more than a decade, he traveled through over thirty countries and countless remote valleys, documenting hundreds of heritage sites and leaving behind tens of thousands of photos, videos, and notes. His images often captured mosques on the edge of war zones, solitary steles in farm fields, and ancient cities about to be swallowed by reservoirs.

He could have stayed within a safe, approved identity: speaking only of archaeology and never of politics; singing praises of “forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation“ in papers and lectures, carefully avoiding sensitive history. But he did not. He wrote “incorrect” sentences, stating plainly that the CCP’s destructive damage to Tibetan culture was comparable to the Taliban and ISIS, and that the myth of “liberating serfs” concealed the CCP’s destruction of Tibetan civilization.

His final trip was to Jiazha’erjia Mountain. As the hyperpower project timetable pressed forward, he knew time was short. He had to document as much as possible before the murals were cut out and moved away. He never returned. The person who pressed the shutter and what he sought to preserve were written together into the fate of this valley.

(Before and after Liu Tuo’s death , screenshots of his past WeChat posts circulated, triggering attacks by Chinese nationalists.)

Liu Tuo’s WeChat post (edited and translated):

Over the past few days, while I organizing photos of Tubo (Tibet), I’ve been seeing those outrageous acts of destruction, and it has been unbearably painful. Then friends who traveled to Ngari sent back images showing even older, more valuable murals there in a ruined state, which made it even harder to bear. No matter how one looks at it today, what the Chinese Communist Party did in Tibet sixty years ago is, without any doubt, no different from what ISIS or the Taliban have done. I don’t understand why anyone would still deny this. Don’t talk about the so-called “liberation of the serfs,” or about “the evil control of Tibetan Buddhism”—no one asked you to come and liberate us. When ISIS and the Taliban destroyed local cultural relics, they too had grand, high-sounding justifications. In my view, any external force that shatters an indigenous way of life is evil. Such forces naturally come with their own rhetoric; no one ever openly declares the destruction of cultural heritage or the killing of people as their stated objective. When the Japanese invaded China, or when the Spaniards destroyed the Inca and the Aztec civilizations, wasn’t the propaganda also framed as promoting and advancing local civilization? So why, when it comes to Tubo (Tibet), is it suddenly treated as something entirely different? This is the destruction of one civilization by another. And under the constraints of the current ruling power, this destruction is not only left uncondemned, but is actively whitewashed by many—and will ultimately be forgotten. The campaigns of destruction sixty years ago were carried out with a thoroughness that surpassed even an official cultural relics survey. Apart from Gyantse’s Pelkor Chöde and Sakya Monastery, we can hardly see a single monastery preserved in its original state; all monasteries dating from before the Yuan dynasty were completely wiped out.

Fortunately, some areas came under Indian control, leaving us at least some space for imagination. Every time I think about this, I truly wish that all of Tubo (Tibet) had been under Indian control back then. If that were the case, even traveling abroad to visit today would bring a hundred times more joy.

In the Name of “Development”

Along the Dadu River, you see layers of engineering vocabulary stamped onto the land: “Cascade Development,” “World’s Highest Dam,” “Integrated Water-Wind-Solar Power.”

(Map of the Dadu River Cascade Development released by the State Energy Media account. Shuangjiangkou hyperpower station is just one of 28 planned stations.)

In the official story, everything sounds seamless: harnessing water power for “Double Carbon“ goals; building roads for “Han-Tibetan Harmony“; relocating relics as a sign of “cultural confidence.” Every word is “correct.” Every word shines.

But zoom in, and a cruel reality emerges: villages are moved wholesale, and the stone walls and prayer flags of old villages vanish beneath the waterline; residents are forced from valley communities where they have lived for generations, while a new museum is built in a “more rationally planned” location; caves are cut open, packed up, and removed from cliffs where they endured for centuries; a lofty bridge is planted on unstable slopes and, ten months later, slides into the gorge together with the roadbed.

These are not random “incidents.” They are the manifestation of a single top-down power structure and a single development ideology: in the name of the nation and development, massive construction is used to dominate rivers, mountains, villages, and culture. This logic is spreading across all of Tibet.

Recently, reports emerged of a large-scale landslide along National Highway G215 near Batang, on the border of Sichuan and Yunnan provinces, causing extensive road closures and blocking the Jinsha River འབྲི་ཆུ , forming a landslide-dammed lake.

Just weeks ago, in Sêrxü County (石渠县 · སེར་ཤུལ་རྫོང་།) —where current Sichuan, TAR, and Qinghai meet — a large-scale detention operation occurred that barely reached the Chinese-language media. In November 2025, in the Kashi (呷依) area of Sêrxü County (石渠县 · སེར་ཤུལ་རྫོང་།), formerly known as སེར་ཤུལ་རྫོང, authorities pushed forward a mining project, prompting over a hundred Tibetans to protest. The state responded with a crackdown, involving heavy police and military deployment. At least eighty Tibetans were detained. Their whereabouts remain unknown.

In the same month, authorities burned multiple large prayer-flag installations in Jigzhi County (久治县 · གཅིག་སྒྲིལ་རྫོང་།), Golog Prefecture(果洛州 · མགོ་ལོག་ཁུལ།), Amdo (安多 · ཨ་མདོ་) area, under the guise of “winter fire prevention and environmental cleanup.”

This is a script repeated countless times: when dams are to be built, mines dug, tourist sites developed, Tibetans and Tibetan culture—tupas, flags, and faith—are treated as “obstacles to development” and “threats to unity.” Villages are flooded, sacred objects burned, protesters dragged onto trucks and thrown into detention. Tibetans are merely defending their ancestral lands and their faith, yet in official narratives, they are branded as “troublemakers” or “separatists.”

华语青年挺藏会

哭泣的高原净土——记大藏区生态之殇 The Plateau of Shedding Tears——A Reflection on Tibet’s Ecological Crisis

2024年10月15日，一位名为搓俄泽让的藏人青年在微信上实名举报“安徽先河建筑工程有限公司”在他的家乡安多藏区阿坝州红原县查玛尔乡违法采挖河道砂石、破坏河流生态。中国地方政府非但没有惩处违法的该公司，反而拘留了搓俄泽让。10月27日当地法院以“扰乱社会秩序罪”判处了他八个月监禁。[1…

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a year ago · 5 likes · 华语青年挺藏会

This narrative has endured for decades: from “liberating serfs” and “land reform” to “Develop the West” and “green low-carbon growth”; from demolishing monasteries and dispersing monastics to turning Tibetan civilizational heritage into playgrounds for tourists and worksites for outside bosses; from suppressing language and belief to covering everything with the rhetoric of “ethnic unity.” In this context, the collapse of Hongqi Bridge and the death of Liu Tuo are two fresh wounds exposed on the surface.

Epilogue: The Dust Settles, the Water Rises

The dust raised by the collapse of the Hongqi Bridge has settled into the valley. Construction crews will soon clear the debris; new technical plans will be discussed, reviewed, and approved. The water in the Shuangjiangkou reservoir will continue to rise, submerging more of the old terrain and villages. The Jiazha’erjia cave murals will be carefully cut from the cliff and moved to modern facilities, where they will be displayed alongside new “authoritative interpretations” on museum placards behind glass cases.

But behind these so-called “progress” and “protection,” from dams to villages, from bridges to caves, lies the cost Tibetans are forced to bear again and again: the loss of home, the loss of sacred ground, and the loss of the chance to decide their own future on their own land.

Liu Tuo’s life ended at 31, but the world he recorded is still speaking to us. The Hongqi Bridge lasted only ten months, but its collapse serves as a reminder: if we do not question the logic that demands everything yield to “development” and “national interest,” the next thing to collapse may not just be a bridge or a hillside, but the memory, faith, and home of an entire ethnic people.

Related information:

范晓 ︱金沙江虎跳峡水电工程四大害

我的朋友刘拓

遥远年代的洞窟壁画——甲扎尔甲洞窟壁画

Author/ Editor：Yuqiao GD  Image：Yuqiao GD Translate：Yuqiao

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一件是2025年11月11日在一次山体滑坡中，竣工不到一年的红旗特大桥在山谷间轰然坍塌；

另一件发生在仅1.7公里之外，四年前2021年的秋天，青年考古学者刘拓，在为即将被水库淹没的甲扎尔甲山洞窟藏传佛教壁画做最后记录时意外坠崖身亡。

（左图是双江口水电站库区于2025年5月完成一期蓄水后的卫星图，右下方的双江口水电站已经建成，将河道拦腰斩断。最上方的红旗特大桥（31.821°N, 101.907°E）尚未垮塌，刘拓坠崖的甲扎尔甲山已被部分夷平 （31.806°N, 101.902°E），河道水位明显抬升，河道变宽，将山腰以下全部淹没。右图是2014年双江口水电站建设前的卫星图，甲扎尔甲山尚未被破坏，原有山川地形的原始形态）

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一个是不久前事故现场的震耳欲聋，一个是青年学者跌落崖底后的低沉回响。如今重看红旗特大桥的坍塌似乎并不是孤立的灾难，更像是刘拓之死在这条河谷里的回声，它们像被一根看不见的线串联：一套以“发展”之名推进的剥削式开发引起的连锁反应。山可以被炸开，河可以被拦截，藏人的村庄、圣地、文化和记忆，都可以被视作可以为经济建设而牺牲的代价。

不只是一个工程事故

国道 317 线上的“红旗特大桥”，曾被宣传为“云端生命线”。在官方镜头里，它横跨峡谷，桥墩高耸入云，背后是巍峨的山脉，是所谓“生态保护的绿色路、民族团结的同心路”。

（官方视野下，“云中之桥”红旗特大桥建设场景 四川路桥桥梁公司 2025年1月）

然而，2025年11月11日约下午4时，317国道红旗大桥右岸桥头发生山体滑坡，该桥部分桥体断裂垮塌。桥身带着桥墩一起砸进山谷，腾起的尘土在河岸边缘炸开。视频里能听见有人惊叫：“桥没得了！”声音里带着茫然。那座桥修好通车不到十个月。

（红旗特大桥垮塌时的视频截图。来源：央广网）

（卫星图下垮塌后的红旗特大桥。来源：BlackSky）

这一次，新闻反复强调“无人员伤亡”，因为在前一天一位藏人司机三郎石旦真发现裂缝，公路被紧急封闭，车辆得以被劝返。数字上的确“幸运”，仿佛只要没有人死，就可以松一口气。

可如果把时间往前推一些，就会发现事情并不只是工程上的意外。

2025年5月1日，双江口水电站完成第一期蓄水，将水位提升至海拔2344.3米，蓄水深度超过90米蓄水量1.1亿立方米；2025年10月10日，双江口水电站开始第二期蓄水，水位涨幅超过70米，蓄水量6.6亿立方米。在两期蓄水的约7个月时间，水位涨幅超过160米，其水位上升速率和涨幅均创下世界纪录。在二期蓄水开始后的仅一个月，水库核心区内的红旗特大桥轰然倒塌。

双江口水电站位于大渡河上游，在川西高原—横断山北段。属于高海拔、强切割、构造极复杂的深切河谷地貌。而大渡河切穿其间，常见谷深上千米，两岸高山与狭谷组成典型高山峡谷景观。原本地质环境就很不稳定。附近村民表示，水开始蓄起来之后，随着水位上升，山体滑坡的情况经常发生，村民的老寨子后面的山坡在一期蓄水后就垮塌了。水库是一个巨大的重量，其快速大幅度地蓄水，极易诱发滑坡、崩塌等地质灾害，这在三峡等大型水库中屡见不鲜。

桥垮了以后，对于事故原因，官方表示要组织专家进行现场核实，成立专项处置工作组，可能自此再无下文。很多关于红旗桥垮塌的报道也到此戛然而止。真正生活在这片山谷中的藏人，只作为背景或模糊的“被安置村民”一闪而过。

（金川县政府为双江口水电站建设，拆除藏民房屋，经幡在被拆除后的废墟上飘荡。官方媒体拍下了这些照片，展现出领导们的雷厉风行：“为下一步电站各工程项目如期进场施工创造良好条件”）

在双江口水电站的前期论证里，官方强调的挑战之一是水电站需要“搬迁藏区移民约6000人”，“民族宗教问题突出”。根据当地的人口民族构成来看，这些被迫离开家园的人们绝大多数都是藏人。在另一篇关于南水北调西线工程的官方报道里，双江口水电站作为南水北调取水水库的一部分，被轻描淡写地归入一句“淹没区移民和宗教设施处理等难题已基本解决”，仿佛这几千人山水之间的社区聚落和信仰空间，只是一个一笔勾销的待办事项而已。

澎湃新闻的报道里，有一位来自白湾乡英戈洛村的村民，说了一句几乎没有人注意到的话：他们的老寨子以前就在水库边上，蓄水之后老房子已经垮进水里，现在住的是沿库区新建的板房安置点，“一周前刚回过村子的板房，现在桥断了，我们也回不去了”。这句话在新闻里只有寥寥几笔，可对他说的是第二次“回不去了”：第一次，是蓄水让老寨子沉入水底；第二次，是为蓄水修起的大桥垮塌，把新的安置点也隔在河的那一边。

（红旗特大桥合龙仪式现场 四川路桥桥梁公司 2025年1月）

在工程体系里，他不过是6000移民中的一个数字；在新闻里，他是接受采访的村民甲；在规划文件和官样文章里，他和6000个像他一样世代居住在此的本地居民，被概括为水电站建设的障碍。但对每一个像他一样的藏人来说，这条河谷的每一次巨响——大坝截流、洞窟迁移、村落搬迁、桥梁垮塌——都真实地改写了藏人脚下的路、头顶的山、以及他还能不能回到祖祖辈辈称之为家的地方。

而这些，从来没有出现在主流叙事里。

在这条被反复改写的河谷里，还有一人也再没有机会回去。他不是移民名单上的一员，却选择用自己的脚步和镜头守住那些即将被淹没、被剥离、被推平的洞窟和佛塔。四年前，为记录即将被双江口水电站库区淹没的藏传佛教壁画洞窟，一个年轻的考古学学者在距离大坝约两公里的山崖跌落。他的意外离世像是在这条河谷的生命线上的一道裂痕，而后大桥的坍塌，是透过那道裂隙传来的回声。

另在山崖尽头终止的路：刘拓之死

时间往回拨到四年前的四川阿坝州马尔康市，甲扎尔甲山。2021年10月26日，北大考古文博学院博士毕业的青年学者刘拓在四川考察即将被迁移异地保护的文物时意外坠亡，年仅31岁。亲友在他随身的相机发现了最后一张照片，是甲扎尔甲山洞窟内的“国保”壁画。

（刘拓生前最后的照片，那时的甲扎尔甲，草木依然繁盛 2021.10.26）

那是一座普通人甚至叫不出名字的山，但在山上的洞窟里，留有14-15世纪藏传佛教的壁画和佛塔。后来，随着大渡河双江口水电站的工程的批准施工，这一带被纳入库区范围，甲扎尔甲山的洞窟也被列入2018年迁移异地保护方案。

迁移、异地、保护听上去不错，可实际上它意味着：洞窟原址会被淹没或被破坏，只能尽量把壁画从石壁上切下来，搬到另一个地方。山不重要，圣地的地理位置不重要，重要的是“文物”被“保护”起来，可以在某个恒温恒湿的展厅里继续展出。

（甲扎尔甲山洞窟壁画原址照片）

在原址，岩壁粗粝仿佛还保留着山体初生的呼吸，人与佛像之间不过一步之隔。风吹动佛塔之上的新旧交替的经幡，一层压着一层 —— 有人早就来过，也有人仍在继续。这里不是被玻璃隔窗和说明牌封存的展品，而是一处仍在被顶礼敬拜的神龛。香火未断，供奉未停。佛像与壁画是活生生的伫立，它们是倾听呼唤与祈祷，护佑众生的神灵。

（建设中的新甲扎尔甲山洞窟壁画博物馆效果图）

而异地保护后的新馆，像一块巨大的混凝土楔子插进山坡，冷色调的外立面、锐利的折线、整片的玻璃幕墙，在雪景中看上去更像一座任何地方都有可能出现的当代艺术博物馆。它几乎完全抹去了藏地自己的建筑语言：没有佛塔，没有转经道，没有玛尼堆，就算侥幸有经幡出现，也只是沦为景观设计的一部分装饰品。原本嵌在岩壁里的佛像和壁画被搬进恒温恒湿的展柜里，成为消费的“异教奇观”。对藏人来说，原址洞窟是与神灵相遇的圣地；但对于新馆则更像是一扇精心安排装点的玻璃橱窗，游客可以安心欣赏一块被剥离出土地、被标本化的“藏族文物”。

（甲扎尔甲山洞窟原址外景和前室（莎萝蔓蛇拍摄于2021年12月），图5中绿色圈线处为洞窟位置，图6为2023年网友实拍，洞口已经被水泥封锁。双江口水库蓄水后，这里被淹没）

（截图取自央视新闻对双江口水电站库区完成一期蓄水的新闻报道，图中央便是甲扎尔甲山洞窟壁画原址所在地，部分山脊已被夷平成为工地，山腰以下也被淹没）

刘拓希望在壁画和佛像被切割、编号、装进恒温展柜之前，看一看并记录下这些壁画和佛塔在原址上最后一次与山体和神灵在一起，原本的样子。也正因为如此，赶在大坝蓄水和洞窟迁移之前，他选择背上相机，走上那条险峻的山路。

据报导2021年10月27日，26日晚，刘拓一行4人前往甲扎尔甲山洞窟壁画，其中3人因路途险阻而折返，剩下刘拓1人独自前行。只身一人的刘拓在攀爬岩壁时不幸坠崖。10月26日20时40分左右，有旁观者看到报警，搜救队发现了坠崖的刘拓，当时他伤势严重，人已失去意识，经抢救无效死亡，年仅31岁。

刘拓是北大考古文博学院的博士毕业生，也是许多人口中的“浪游学者”。十多年间，他走过三十多个国家、无数个偏远山谷，记录了上百处世界遗产，留下数以万计的照片、影像和手记。那些影像里，常常是战火边缘的清真寺，农田里孤零零的石碑，即将被水库淹没的古城。

他完全可以待在一个安全、被认可的身份里：只谈考古，不谈政治；只在论文和讲座里为“筑牢中华民族共同体意识”大唱赞歌，小心避开敏感历史话题。但他没有。他公开写过非常不“正确”的句子，直言中共对藏文化的毁灭性破坏堪比塔利班和ISIS，直言“解放农奴”的神话掩盖了中共对藏文明的毁灭。

他生命中的最后一次出行，就是去甲扎尔甲山。工程的脚步逼近，他知道时间不多，必须赶在洞窟壁画被切割、被搬走之前，留下尽可能完整的记录。他再也没有回来。按下快门的人和他记录的对象，一起被写进了这条河谷的命运里。

（刘拓去世前后，他的微信言论被截图，引发国内的粉红网友对他的网暴谩骂）

刘拓朋友圈（编辑整理转译）：

这些天整理图博Tibet的照片，看见那些令人发指的破坏，心里真是难受得不得了。又有朋友去阿里玩发来那边年代更早、价值更高的壁画被破坏的状态，更加不舒服。不管现在如何，土共于 60 年前在西藏的所作所为，毫无疑问就是和伊斯兰国和塔利班没有任何区别，我不知道为什么还会有人否认这一点。不要说什么翻身农奴得解放，什么藏传佛教的邪恶控制，谁也没求着你们来解放。伊斯兰国和塔利班毁灭当地文物的时候，照样有冠冕堂皇的理由。在我看来，一切打破当地固有生活方式的外来力量都是邪恶的，这种力量自然有其说辞，没有人会直接把毁灭文物和杀人当做明面上的目的。日本人侵华，西班牙人毁灭印加、阿兹特克，宣传起来难道不也是为了促进当地文明程度的提升吗？如何放在图博Tibet，就不是这么回事儿呢？这就是一个文明对另一个文明的毁灭，并且受制于目前的统治力量，这种毁灭不仅没人谴责，还多的是人洗白，终将被遗忘。60 年前的扫荡，做得简直比文物普查还要精细，让我们除了白居寺和萨迦寺之外，几乎无法看到任何一座原状的寺院，而元代以前的所有寺院更是全军覆没。幸而有一部分为印度控制，还能让我们有想象的空间。每当想到这里，真的希望图博Tibet当年能够全部被印度控制，如今即使出国参观，也要开心一百倍。

以发展为名

在大渡河上，你会看到一层一层叠加在土地上的工程语汇：“梯级开发”、“世界第一高坝”、“水风光一体化”。

（国家能源之声发布的大渡河流域梯级开发平面图，双江口水电站仅是大渡河28座梯级电站中的一个）

在官方的故事里，这一切听上去无比顺畅：开发水能，助力双碳目标；修通公路，促进“汉藏和谐共融”；文物异地保护，是文化自信的体现。每一个词都很正确，每一个词都闪闪发光。

但把镜头拉近，看到的是另一层残酷现实：

村庄被整体搬走，老寨子的石墙和经幡在水位线上慢慢消失；村民被要求搬离世代生活的山谷聚落，新的博物馆被重建在“规划更合理”的位置；洞窟被切开、打包、离开它们存在了数百年的崖壁；高桥在不稳定的山体上被强行架起，十个月后连同路基一起滑进山谷。

这些并不是随机发生的“个案”，而是从上到下同一套权力结构、同一种发展观念的具体呈现：以国家之名，以发展之名大兴土木，去支配河流、山体、村庄和文化。这种逻辑正沿着整个藏地蔓延。

最近传出四川云南交界的金沙江边，国道G215巴塘段大面积垮塌，导致大面积封路，金沙江水路被堵成堰塞湖。

就在几周前，现川藏青三省交界的石渠县又发生了一次几乎没有进入中文媒体视野的大规模抓捕行动：今年 11 月旧称杂曲卡 སེར་ཤུལ་རྫོང 的现甘孜州石渠县 Sershul 呷依地区 Kashi ，因为中共当局在当地推进采矿项目，上百名藏人出面表达抗议。当局随即出动大批军警镇压，至少80多名藏人被抓走关押，很多人的情况至今不明。

同月，中共又以冬季防火和环境清洁的名义，焚烧了安多地区果洛州久治县的多座大型经幡。

这是一幅已经重复了无数次的戏码：当大坝要建、矿要挖、景区要开发时，当地的藏人、藏地文化、佛塔与经幡均被视为“阻碍发展”、“破坏团结”的因素，村庄被淹没、圣物被焚毁、抗议者被拖上卡车、被扔进看守所。藏人只是在捍卫自己脚下故有的土地和心中的信仰 ，但在官方的叙事中，他们被扣上 “寻衅滋事分子”、“分裂分子”的帽子。

华语青年挺藏会

哭泣的高原净土——记大藏区生态之殇 The Plateau of Shedding Tears——A Reflection on Tibet’s Ecological Crisis

2024年10月15日，一位名为搓俄泽让的藏人青年在微信上实名举报“安徽先河建筑工程有限公司”在他的家乡安多藏区阿坝州红原县查玛尔乡违法采挖河道砂石、破坏河流生态。中国地方政府非但没有惩处违法的该公司，反而拘留了搓俄泽让。10月27日当地法院以“扰乱社会秩序罪”判处了他八个月监禁。[1…

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a year ago · 5 likes · 华语青年挺藏会

这一套叙事延续了几十年。从“解放农奴”、“土地改革”，到“西部大开发”、“绿色低碳发展”，从拆毁寺院、驱散僧众，到把藏文化丰富的文明遗产变为观光客的景区游乐场和外地老板的工地，从压制语言和信仰，到用“民族团结”的话语把一切掩盖。在这样的脉络里，红旗特大桥的垮塌和刘拓的坠亡像是两处突然露出地表的新伤。

尾声：尘埃落下，水位还在上涨

红旗特大桥坍塌扬起的尘埃落入河谷，施工队很快会清理碎块，新的技术方案会被讨论、审核、通过；双江口水库的水位会继续上涨，淹没更多旧时地形和村落；甲扎尔甲山的洞窟壁画被小心翼翼地从崖壁上切下，之后被送进现代化的馆舍，在玻璃展柜里迎接说明牌里权威专家的新诠释。

而在这些所谓“进步”和“保护”的背后，从大坝到村寨、从桥梁到洞窟都是藏人一再承受的代价：失去故有的家园和圣地，失去在自己土地上决定未来命运的机会。

刘拓的生命停在了 31 岁，他记录下的世界却还在与我们对话。红旗特大桥的寿命只有短短十个月，却用一次轰然倒塌提醒我们：水位还在上涨，如果不从跟本上去质疑那套以“发展”和“国家利益”之名要求一切让路的逻辑，下一个塌陷的，可能不仅是桥梁和山坡，还有民族的记忆、信仰与家园。

相关资料：

范晓 ︱金沙江虎跳峡水电工程四大害

我的朋友刘拓

遥远年代的洞窟壁画——甲扎尔甲洞窟壁画

文编：Yuqiao GD 策划：GD  制图：Yuqiao GD

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On December 24, 2024, the last cold Christmas Eve, Chinese independent scholar and writer on Tibetan history, Ms. Jianglin Li, passed away at the age of 68.

We mourns the passing of Ms. Jianglin Li, a cherished friend o f His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Kirti Rinpoche, and the Tibetan people. Ms. Li carried out extensive fieldwork both among Tibetan exile communities in India and within Tibet itself. Her scholarly research and writings played a crucial role in promoting understanding and dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan communities. Throughout her life, she was also a committed participant in the civic and culture spheres of the overseas Chinese community, leaving behind an enduring legacy of invaluable insights and publications.

Shocked and saddened by the news of her passing, the Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet has compiled her publication and interview recordings to reflect on and honor her life.

Biography

Red Family

Ms. Jianglin Li was born in 1956, and her parents were both members of the Fourth Field Army Work Group of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army stationed in Nanchang, Jiangxi, serving as senior local officials. Growing up in such a privileged “red” family, she viewed the revolution as self-evident during her childhood.

However, during the Cultural Revolution, her father was labeled a “capitalist roader,” and the family subsequently endured the “Up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside” movement, being sent to labor farms. These dramatic upheavals in her life prompted her to question the meaning of the revolution. In an interview, Jianglin recalled that the Lin Biao incident fully awakened her. The stark contrasts she experienced in her red family background forced this once “naïve little girl” to reflect deeply on life and society. Eventually, she chose to leave China, traveling to the United States before the events of 1989 to pursue her studies and seek answers.1

Studying in the U.S.

In 1982, Jianglin Li finshearned the Bachelor and Master in China. In the same year, she moved to the U.S. Starting from working in restaurants, she gradually stepped out from the shadow of her family to forge her own path.

She later earned study in Jewish History from Brandeis University and Library Science from Queens College, CUNY. She sooner found a job as a program planner at the International Information Center of the Flushing Library in Queens, at NY. There, she transformed the library into a vibrant cultural hub for the overseas Chinese community, organizing hundreds of lectures and discussion events. She brought issues such as China’s AIDS crisis, the Cultural Revolution, human rights, and the June 4th incident into the cultural life of Chinese community in New York.2

A Connection to Tibet

In 1999, she attended a lecture by the Tibetan spiritual leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in New York’s Central Park, where she met several Tibetan exiles living locally. Deeply moved by the experience, she was inspired to begin studying Tibetan history.

Fieldwork in India

In 2004, after hosting a Tibetan-Chinese cultural communication at the Flushing Museum in New York, Jianglin Li resolved to begin independent research on Tibetan history. At that time, many individuals who had personally experienced Tibet’s tragic history after 1959 were aging. Determined not to miss this precious window, she spent over a decade from 2007 visiting Tibetan exile communities and monasteries in Dharamsala, India, and in Nepal almost every year, interviewing more than 300 people.

Accumulating a wealth of firsthand materials, she made the bold decision in 2009 to resign from her stable public library job—even without financial security—to dedicate herself fully to the study and writing of Tibetan history. Her efforts resulted in several rigorously researched works that confront historical truths and have made a significant contribution to the international field of Tibetan studies.3

Secret field trip inside Tibet

As a historian, the pull of firsthand experience was irresistible. In 2012, with the help of friends, Jianglin Li conducted secret field research in Tibetan areas across four provinces within China. Wherever she went, she sought out eyewitnesses to historical events, using history as a key to unlock the past. Immersed in the collision of time and space, she was deeply moved and profoundly inspired.4

The challenge of studying modern Tibetan history lies in the fact that the same historical event is often recounted in two completely different ways—the Chinese government’s narrative and the accounts of Tibetan exiles in Dharamsala frequently diverge dramatically. As a historian, Jianglin Li sought to reconstruct unbiased and credible historical facts. Over several years, she “rescued” historical memory by interviewing Tibetan exiles, while simultaneously consulting detailed Chinese government documents and international research on Tibetan history. For each event, she compared multiple versions, analyzed them carefully, and drew her conclusions based on this comprehensive study.

Over the course of several years, Li Jianglin interviewed the 14th Dalai Lama more than ten times. The Dalai Lama told her: “You must remember, you are writing this book not because you support me or support Tibet, but because you want to seek the truth.”

From 2010, she published Tibet in Agony: Lhasa 1959, When the Iron Bird Flies: China’s Secret War in Tibet、《藏区秘行》、《重生的观音：第三个西藏的故事》、《智慧之海，达赖喇嘛与当代科学家的对话》and Three lives in one lifetime: An Interview with kirti Rinpoche Lobsang Tenzin Jigme Yeshe Gyatso and so on.

Jianglin Li’s works have had a wide-reaching impact in the Chinese-speaking world, opening a window for Chinese readers to understand the history of Tibet in the last century. For many, it was through her writings that they first came to recognize the history that had been concealed beyond the Chinese government’s narrative—the suffering and resistance of the Tibetan people.

Upon learning of Jianglin Li’s passing, our organization decided to participate in the publicity work for her memorial. With the assistance of Ms. Zhang Jing, a women’s rights advocate in China, we obtained a large collection of detailed photos, accounts, and works from Jianglin Li’s lifetime. We have compiled them into a pictorial collection to allow everyone to reflect on her life and her contributions to the cause of supporting Tibet.

watch the film to know Jiangli’s past experiences and research!

May Ms. Jianglin Li rest in peace. We will continue to carry forward and promote the Tibet cause in the years to come. Attached is a prayer verse from His Holiness:

As the daughter of a “red” revolutionary family, Jianglin Li, awakened by conscience, resolutely devoted herself to the cause of democracy. As a Han Chinese historian, she was not blinded by nationalist bias; she courageously listened to the voices of Tibetans whose experiences diverged sharply from the official Chinese narrative, striving to reconstruct historical facts untainted by political distortion. This courage and steadfast pursuit of historical truth have made her a pioneer and a model in our eyes.

The following is a compilation of Jiang Lin’s speeches and writings that we have put together:

Talk at the American PEN Center

On the eve of the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the American PEN Center held an event titled “Tearing Down China’s Firewall,” paying tribute to more than 40 writers and journalists imprisoned in China. At the event, Li Jianglin read aloud in English an article by Chinese dissident writer Yang Tongyan, titled “Zhao Ziyang’s Serious Mistakes Were Actually His Greatest Contribution.”

Major published works:

Tibet in Agony(2016)：

The Chinese Communist government has twice invoked large-scale military might to crush popular uprisings in capital cities. The second incident―the notorious massacre in Tiananmen Square in 1989―is well known. The first, thirty years earlier in Tibet, remains little understood today. Yet in wages of destruction, bloodshed, and trampling of human rights, the tragic toll of March 1959 surpassed Tiananmen.

Tibet in Agony provides the first clear historical account of the Chinese crackdown in Lhasa. Sifting facts from the distortions of propaganda and partisan politics, Jianglin Li reconstructs a chronology of events that lays to rest lingering questions about what happened in those fate-filled days and why. Her story begins with throngs of Tibetan demonstrators who―fearful that Chinese authorities were planning to abduct the Dalai Lama, their beloved leader―formed a protective ring around his palace. On the night of March 17, he fled in disguise, only to reemerge in India weeks later to set up a government in exile. But no peaceful resolution awaited Tibet. The Chinese army soon began shelling Lhasa, inflicting thousands of casualties and ravaging heritage sites in the bombardment and the infantry onslaught that followed. Unable to resist this show of force, the Tibetans capitulated, putting Mao Zedong in a position to fulfill his long-cherished dream of bringing Tibet under the Communist yoke.

Li’s extensive investigation, including eyewitness interviews and examination of classified government records, tells a gripping story of a crisis whose aftershocks continue to rattle the region today.

When the Iron Bird Flies: China's Secret War in Tibet：

From 1956 to 1962, devastating military conflicts took place in China’s southwestern and northwestern regions. Official record at the time scarcely made mention of the campaign, and in the years since only lukewarm acknowledgment of the violence has surfaced. When the Iron Bird Flies, by Jianglin Li, breaks this decades long silence to reveal for the first time a comprehensive and explosive picture of the six years that would prove definitive in modern Tibetan and Chinese history.

The CCP referred to the campaign as “suppressing the Tibetan rebellion.” It would lead to the 14th Dalai Lama’s exile in India, as well as the Tibetan diaspora in 1959, though the battles lasted three additional years after these events. Featuring key figures in modern Chinese history, the battles waged in this period covered a vast geographical region. This book offers a portrait of chaos, deception, heroism, and massive loss. Beyond the significant death toll across the Tibetan regions, the war also destroyed most Tibetan monasteries in a concerted effort to eradicate local religion and scholarship.

Despite being considered a military success, to this day, the operations in the agricultural regions remain unknown. As large numbers of Tibetans have self-immolated in recent years to protest Chinese occupation, Li shows that the largest number of cases occurred in the sites most heavily affected by this hidden war. She argues persuasively that the events described in this book will shed more light on our current moment, and will help us understand the unrelenting struggle of the Tibetan people for their freedom.

Three lives in one lifetime: An Interview with kirti Rinpoche Lobsang Tenzin Jigme Yeshe Gyatso (2021)：

At this very crucial juncture of Tibet's history sharing of experiences of the Tibetan elders is a must for a deeper understanding of our people's history, and culture by the younger Tibetan generation. As indicated by the very title of the book, Kirti Rinpoche not only has a good understanding of religion, culture and everyday life in Tibet before the invasion of the Chinese Communists, but he also witnessed the Communist invasion, the suppression of the Tibetan people, and the fight into exile.

As opposed to what is happening in Tibet itself he has also witnessed the Tibetans in exile preserving their religion and culture in a foreign country, maintaining their national identity, and developing a democratic political system and society. He himself participated in many of these noble deeds envisioned by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and made significant contribution in following His guidance. The very active work of dissemination of Tibetan culture and religion by the Kirti Monastery under his leadership is a living example of his dedication.

Ms. Jianglin Li’s research and writings made significant contributions to the understanding and exchange between Tibetan and Han communities. Through rigorous academic study and firsthand field interviews, she sought to reconstruct the historical facts of key events during Tibet’s turbulent political landscape in the last century. Her works have had a profound impact not only in the international field of Tibetan studies but also in raising awareness of Tibetan issues within the Chinese-speaking world.

In addition, she actively participated in Tibetan-Han cultural communication, advocating for dialogue and understanding as a means to address ethnic conflicts and misunderstandings. Her passing is a great loss to both the academic and cultural communities. Members of the CYST deeply commemorate Ms. Jianglin Li, wishing that her spirit will endure and inspire more people to learn about Tibetan issues and pursue truth and justice. We believe that Jianglin’s legacy will continue—our organization, the Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet, will carry forward this important historical work.

In memory of Jianglin la, I extend my best wishes to my co-author Tara for the upcoming winter.

Translated by Ginger Duan on December 23rd, 2025.

Author：Tara, GD Video editor：GD Proofreading: 小翠

Image provided and authorized by Ms. Zhang Jing of Women Right in China，some of images are collected from publicly available online sources. Please contact us to remove any infringing content.

Online reading resources:

Phayul: Opinion: Remembering a Chinese scholar

He Qinglian: Remembering Tibet Historian Li Jianglin

Witnesses to the “suppression of rebellion” and Great Leap Forward in Qinghai 1958-61

Li Jianglin: Parting Ways with My Red Family

CTA: Memorial Service in New York Honours Chinese Scholar Li Jianglin, Renowned for Her Work on Modern Tibetan History

CTA ：Virtual Discussion on Li Jianglin’s book ‘The Tibet in Agony – Lhasa 1959’

The Dossier

A Documentary by Zhu Rikun
A Huangniutian Production
Fanhall Films

Film Festivals:
Locarno Film Festival
Vancouver International Film Festival
International Film Festival WATCH DOCS
Hong Kong Indie Film Festival
Dharamshala International Film Festival

Documentary

Audio: Stereo
Color
Subtitles: English
Running Time: 129 min
Country: China
Year: 2014

Director / Producer: Zhu Rikun
Cinematography: Zhu Rikun, Wang Wo
Editor: Xu Xin
Post-production: Primo Films

Film Synopsis: Ten years ago, Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser’s efforts to document and present the reality of Tibet was considered a “political problem” by the Party-state. She was fired from her job when she turned down the “request” to confess and correct these “problems”. Since then, she has persevered as an independent writer and has continued to speak out for the sufferings of Tibetan people. Ever since the disturbance in Lhasa took place in 2008, and as the number of self-immolations among Tibetan people has risen dramatically, her writing and her blog have become an essential channel for the world to see Tibet. But despite being acknowledged for her efforts, her personal life and freedom have been seriously disturbed. As an unexpected event, we came into possession of Woeser’s official dossier, which then became the main thread of this film. Through this lengthy and dull dossier, we see how a supposedly well-shaped screw and successor of the Chinese communist cause went off the premade track in reality. Has she obtained freedom?

25mins short version：

Click the button to watch the full 2-hour film!

Password: Freedom Available until March 8, 2026

Click to watch the full film

Produced by Zhu Rikun | The Broken Egg Under the Red Flag: Tsering Woeser and Her Dossier

Author: Liu Yanzi, Chinese-Japanese bilingual writer, translator, and teacher

The Dossier: The Tool for Totalitarians to Control the People

What exactly is a “dossier”? Whenever this word appears in translation, there is always someone who asks if it’s equivalent to Japan’s “My Number Card”. Explaining this to a naive person living under a free and democratic system takes much effort, like reciting a tongue twister.

Starting in 2016, the Japanese government has been using personal identification numbers in social security, taxation, and disaster prevention, issuing a 12-digit “My Number” to citizens and foreigners holding resident registration certificates. Although the government emphasizes that the purpose is to improve administrative transparency and to achieve social equality and justice, it has faced criticisms and opposition from various groups and individuals, including the Japan Federation of Bar Associations (JFBA) and the Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry (JCCI). The reasons given are that it infringes on personal privacy, with some elevating it to the level of the pre-war Special Higher Police’s surveillance. Therefore, even now, there are still online calls demanding: “Do not expand the use [of My Number], abolish opposition associations.” Last year, as part of the economic countermeasures against COVID-19, the government distributed 100,000 yen to each citizen (including foreigners), without requiring a “My Number Card” to receive it.

However, “dossiers” are not ordinary personal records; they are an invisible black hand jointly created by various institutions under the socialist banner, such as schools, work units, and even the party and youth league organizations at the bottom of the pyramid, which control the person’s transfer, promotion, insurance, housing, social security, and even life and death.

Mr. Xu Fen once pointed out: dossiers are tools of power; they are an “objective record” constructed and preserved for an individual. However, the materials were provided secretly by informers driven by human depravity and sordid motives–jealousy, fear, flattery, betrayal, and treachery.

The Egg Under the Red Flag was Suddenly Smashed: Woeser’s Dossier

In 2014, the Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser miraculously obtained her political dossier after being expelled by the Tibet Autonomous Region Federation of Literary and Art Association (西藏自治区文学艺术界联合会) for ten years on the grounds of “unauthorized resignation”. But Woeser’s former employer soon regretted it and tried to take it back from her mother. Upon hearing the news, independent filmmaker Zhu RiKun immediately recognized its importance and rushed to Lhasa, taking the dossier back to Beijing, and asked Woeser to face the camera and slowly pull out page after page from a large kraft paper envelope covered with the word “DOSSIER” in large red characters in both Chinese and Tibetan, reading its contents aloud word by word.

This 128-minute documentary, titled The Dossier, has been screened at several international film festivals.

The dossier envelope includes ten types of files, including a “Resume”, “Political Appraisal”, “Reference”, “Party Youth League Membership Application”, “Awards or Punishments”, and “People’s Hospital Physical Examination Form”, which contain information such as date of birth, weight, height, education, specialties, ethnicity, spouse, political affiliation, prominent family members and social relations, and whether the individual supports the Party’s policies. The period covers her time from attending kindergarten in Woeser’s early childhood, through primary school, middle school, high school, the preparatory program at Southwest Minzu University, her undergraduate majored in Chinese Language and Literature, her job assignment at Garzê Newspaper after graduation, she transfer to Tibet Literature two years later, and finally up to her departure from Lhasa in 2004.

I have always kept quiet, because I do not know anything.

I grew up amidst the bugle calls of the Liberation Army since the moment that I was born,

I am fit to be a successor of communism.

Woeser once wrote in a poem.

Woeser’s mother was born into a manor family, but later became an ethnic minority cadre trained by the Party. Her father was a high-ranking Tibetan military officer, and he left behind hundreds of precious photos of Tibet during the Cultural Revolution. Her uncle begged her mother to distribute her private properties to the servants and farm laborers, and even put a small Five-Star Red Flag on the horns of each ox. He studied at the Central Institute for Minzu University of China (MUC), becoming a graduate student, and then joined the Party while working in Chamdo Prefecture, and later became a Tibetologist

Woeser and her father

Woeser excelled academically and morally from a young age, earning the titles of “Three Virtue” student and “Outstanding Communist Youth League Member”. Her “Political Evaluations” for her university preparatory and undergraduate studies stated that, “This student is skilled at writing, actively participates in creating wall newspapers, follows the spirit of Zhang Haidi, loves the socialist system, and offers a sincere and loyal heart to the great Chinese Communist Party”; and that she “deeply appreciates the Party’s care for me as a minority student”. Her “political vetting” for her job transfer stated, “[She] upholds the Party’s Four Cardinal Principles and the Third Plenary Session of the 11 Central Committee”, among other platitudes. Her shortcomings included “emotionally driven and having once equated personal struggle with ideals”, and “believing her IQ was too low”.

However, in January 2003, Woeser’s collection of essays, Notes on Tibet, was labelled a “serious political error” by the CCP’s Central Propaganda Department and the United Front Work Department. Generally, if a Han Chinese writer “violates the ban”, only the Central Propaganda Department issues the order, but since Woeser is a Tibetan writer, she was doubly and completely banned.

The Tibet Autonomous Region Federation of Literary and Art Association also concluded that: “[She] exaggerates and glorify the role of religion in social life; some essays reveal faith and reverence for the Dalai Lama; and even exhibit narrow nationalist ideas and views that are detrimental to national unity and ethnic solidarity. [She] turns a blind eye to the tremendous achievements during the decades of reform and liberation in Tibet, and indulges too much in hearsay and nostalgia for Old Tibet, making erroneous judgements in value, deviating from the correct political principles, and have failed to fulfill the social responsibility that a contemporary writer should bear and the political responsibility that should be borne in building advanced culture.

Initially considered a “Potential Communist successor” by the Party, Woeser was branded with the scarlet letter of original sin. The Party launched a relentless “re-education” campaign against her, using her relatives and work unit to attempt to force her to say things against her conscience, such as “the Dalai Lama is a separatist”. In other words, when someone violated the Party’s hidden rules, they were not only punished within the system but also removed from their family, friends, and kinship ties, while simultaneously intimidating others into remaining silent and distancing themselves. Finally, they gave Woesar a “Fumi-e”: to write an article praising the Qinghai-Tibetan Railroad.

Woeser left a letter for the Party Committee of the Federation of Literary and Art Association, titled “I Will Always Be a Tibetan Writer with a Buddhist Faith,” frankly admitting, “I cannot get past this ‘hurdle,’ nor do I want to ‘get past’ it, and in my view, such ‘getting past’ goes against a writer’s duty and conscience.”

From then on, Woeser was “deprived of everything except being imprisoned.”

Notes on Tibet (Czech translation)

The banned book Notes on Tibet

So, what kind of book is Notes on Tibet ? Opening the book reveals the author’s own words:

“To me, the words I write are the words that flow from my heart. I am but a recorder of my heart, I heed to the call of my soul. When my heart was moved, touched, stirred, startled, shaken, and deeply moved… I know it is time to record it. And in Tibet, my heart often exists in such a state.”

This book consists of several sections: “Foreword: Tibet Above,” “Travels in Tibet,” “The Tibetan World,” “Thoughts on Tibet,” and “Postscript: The Difficulties of Describing Tibet.”

According to Japanese scholar Okamoto Masahiro, when the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) first entered Tibet in the 1950s, the primary language in Lhasa’s elementary education was still Tibetan because the Tibetan cadres didn’t understand Mandarin. There was even a class called “Basic Religious Knowledge” on Saturday afternoons. However, this was merely a “strategic concession” by the CCP. By 1958, religious time was abolished entirely; the political class consisted only of Mao Zedong, the Party, the PLA, and the Seventeen-Point Agreement. After the establishment of the Lhasa Middle School, there was even greater emphasis on deleting “content detrimental to national unity”. Because the Tibetan language was unsuitable for teaching the sciences such as mathematics, chemistry, and biology, all classes were taught in Mandarin. The “Suppression of the Rebellion” in 1959 led to a large-scale exodus of monks and nobles who were the elite in Tibetan education; the remaining monks and nobles were criticized as “The Three Major Lords”. Monasteries originally had an educational function, such as teaching literacy, literature, astronomy, and more. However, with the large-scale destruction of monasteries, how can they sustain without the foundation? If this is the case in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), one can only imagine the situation of the surrounding Tibetan areas. In the Tibetan regions of Sichuan Province (Garzê and Ngawa Autonomous Prefectures and Muli Autonomous County), Tibetan-language education was abolished entirely for 20 years, from 1958 to 1978, and classes were taught only in Mandarin. Compared to Qinghai and Gansu provinces, the impact of the Sinicization of Tibetan culture in Sichuan Province was far stronger.

The fundamental question of identity, “Who am I ?” has long perplexed Woeser. From attending primary school in Dawu County (རྟའུ་རྫོང་།), Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, middle school in Kangding, Dartsedo (དར་རྩེ་མདོ།), and then university preparatory and undergraduate programs in Chengdu, she has never received any education in Tibetan language, culture, or history.

In Notes of Tibet, Woeser records her profound pain and arduous spiritual journey regarding her homeland, lineage, personal identity, and ethnic identity, “For a long time, I’ve been filled with confusion, anxiety, and a sense of inferiority. Why is that? Is it because I have a fear of being accepted by either Tibetans or Han Chinese, or because, as a destined impure Tibetan, I have lost all the apparent signs of being a Tibetan?

From Chengdu to Kangding, and finally back to the homeland Lhas,a that she has left for many years, the first thing she did was to change her Mandarin name “Cheng Wen Sa” (程文萨）to her Tibetan name, given to her by her dad when she was born: Tsering Woeser, meaning a light that shines forever. In the river of these names—a metaphor—she traces back to her ancestral home, settles down, lives, takes root, and begins learning Tibetan.

“Yet, being a Tibetan myself, Tibet’s colossal but suffering figure presses heavily on my back like a giant boulder. ‘Glory’ or ‘incompetence’, I can only choose one, it’s either one or the other!”

Freed from the constraints of her dossiers, Woeser gained the freedom of expression, chose the thorny path of “glory”, chose exile, and chose literature as a testament.

Image by Pazu Kong

To this day, her writings remain hidden within China, and it is also impossible for her to receive a passport to travel abroad. However, she has already published a dozen books in Taiwan; her blog, “Invisible Tibet”, shines like a beacon of conscience, illuminating the corners of society that people try to forget and unsee. Her writings have been translated into multiple languages and have gained worldwide acclaim.

I am most afraid of pain; even a slap to the face would destroy me.

Following the “March 14 incident” in 2008, Woeser’s situation became increasingly complex, and she even briefly lost her freedom. Not only was she threatened, searched, and summoned for questioning, but the Party even used medieval collective punishment to affect her relatives and friends. This, for her, caused her more heartache than her own situation.

The Dossier documents how, in 2014, Woeser was denied entry into Tibet because of her Tibetan identity while traveling from Beijing back to Lhasa. Military vehicles drove by one after the other, hidden cameras lurked throughout Lhasa, cars followed her, and even the moment she entered, “state security” officers would be right there at her door…

There is one scene that I will never forget.

Woeser’s husband, Wang LiXiong, is at home “instructing” her on what kinds of everyday personal items can be “brought in (to the jail)”; “if you have cash on you, it can be used to bribe the jailers to buy things inside”. Woeser uses a large plastic Ikea bag to pack things one by one: slippers, toothbrush, towel, change of clothing, glasses, etc. She also wrapped three thousand RMB cash in layers of clothing and tucked it into the bottom of the bag, just in case.

Speaking of the body, I couldn’t help but tremble inwardly,

I am most afraid of pain; even a slap to the face would destroy me.

I count for them in shame, their sentences that seem never-ending.

The good hearts of Tibet, not just one, but many, beat persistently in the hell of reality.

Undoubtedly, the dossiers were carefully selected by malicious forces and were incomplete. Reading aloud from the dossiers and making them public were, for Woeser, another agonizing spiritual journey, like peeling back the layers of an onion.

I’m sure I also have a leather bag full of platitudes, exaggerations, and lies, and I don’t know where it’s hiding, haunting me. When it suddenly pops out, I wonder if I’ll have the courage to face it.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, East German citizens stormed the headquarters of the Stasi (Ministry of State Security), and many files and dossiers were already lost.

• 徐蕡着：《暴政史-二十世纪的权力与民众》 牛津大学出版社2020年页113

• 《西藏的秘密-献给狱中的丹增德勒仁波切、邦日仁波切和洛桑丹增》，出自《唯色诗选：雪域​​的白》 唐山出版社2009年页36-42

• 王力雄著：《西藏面对的两种帝国主义—透视唯色事件》 博讯网文2006年

• 冈本雅享：《中国の少数民族教育と言语政策》（増补改订版）社会评论社2008年

• 唯色着《西藏笔记》 广州花城出版社2003年

在中国，“档案”如影随形，纽约时报，杰安迪 2015年3月17日

Original: 紅旗下破碎的蛋—唯色和她的《檔案》

翻译： 尕登 编辑：GD

图片均来自网络公开搜集，如果有侵权作品请联系我们删除！
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《档案》 The Dossier

朱日坤制作 A Documentary by Zhu Rikun
黄牛田电影 A Huangniutian Production 现象工作室 Fanhall Films

电影节Film Festival:

洛迦诺电影节 Locarno Film Festival
温哥华国际电影节 Vancouver International Film Festival
Watch Docs电影节 International Film Festival WATCH DOCS
香港独立电影节 Hong Kong Indie Film Festival
达兰萨拉国际电影节 Dharamshala International Film Festival

纪录Documentary

声音Audio: 立体Stereo
彩色Color 字幕Subtitle: 英文English
片长Running Time: 129 min
国别Country: 中国China
年份Year: 2014
导演Director/制作Producder：朱日坤 Zhu Rikun
摄影Cinematography: 朱日坤 Zhu Rikun 王我 Wang Wo
剪辑Editor: 徐辛 Xu Xin
后期Post-production: Primo Films

影片内容： 藏人作家唯色因为在文章中如实描写她观察到的现实，而被官方认为有政治问题。唯色拒绝接受审查，被开除了公职。按照预定程序和路径，唯色本来应该是红色事业的“接班人”，却在现实中偏离了这个预制的轨道。她坚持独立写作，为藏人所遭受的迫害发声。获得了认可和荣誉的同时，她的自由也经常收到严重的干扰。 意外获得的唯色的一份官方档案， 成为这个影片的 主要内容和线索，探索了她的过去和现在，以及一个民族所面临的困境。她能获得自由吗？

Ten years ago, Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser’s efforts to document and present the reality of Tibet was considered a “political problem” by the Party-state. She was fired from her job when she turned down the “request” to confess and correct these “problems”. Since then, she has persevered as an independent writer, and has continued to speak out for the sufferings of Tibetan people. Ever since the disturbance in Lhasa took place in 2008 and as the number of self-immolations among Tibetan people has risen dramatically, her writing and her blog have become an important channel for the world to see Tibet. But despite being acknowledged for her efforts, her personal life and freedom have been seriously disturbed. As an unexpected event, we came into possession of Woeser’s official dossier which then became the main thread of this film. Through this lengthy and dull dossier, we see how a supposedly well-shaped screw and successor of the Chinese communist cause went off the premade track in reality. Has she obtained freedom?

25分钟短版：

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观看链接

红旗下破碎的蛋—唯色和她的《档案》

作者：刘燕子 中日双语写作者，翻译者，教师

档案：极权者的驭民工具

「档案」是个什么？每当翻译中出现这两个字，总有人问是否相当于日本的「My Number Card」？对生活在自由民主制度下的小白兔解释这个问题，需要绕口令一样费神。

2016年起，日本政府在社会保障、税务、防灾领域开始使用个人编号，即向国民及持有住民票的外国人发放12位编号的「My Number」，尽管政府强调目的是为了提高行政的透明性，实现社会公平与公正，但从一开始，就遭到「日辩联」（日本律师联合会）、「全商联」（全国商工团体联合会）等多个团体和个人的质疑与反对。理由是侵犯了个人隐私，更有人提高到战前特高警察对国民的监视。所以至今，网上有「不许扩大利用，废止反对联合会」。去年政府作为新冠肺炎经济对策之一，向国民（包括外国人在内）每人发放十万日币，领取时不需要「My Number Card」。

而「档案」不是一般的个人记录文件，它是社会主义招牌下的各种机关，比如学校、单位、甚至金字塔最下层的居委会的党、团组织共同编制的一只看不见的黑手，掌握「档案人」的调动、升迁、保险、住房、社保甚至生杀予夺的大权。

徐蕡先生曾指出：档案是权力统治的工具，是权力为个人建立和保留的「客观记录」，但它的素材却是由受人性卑劣因素和龌龊动机—妒忌、恐惧、谗媚、背叛、出卖—所支配的告密者偷偷提供的。

「红旗下的蛋，却突然被击破」 -唯色的《档案》

2014年，被西藏自治区文联以「擅自离职」为名驱逐出体制已整整十年的藏人作家唯色奇迹般地获得自己的政治档案。但是原单位很快悔青了肠子，企图从唯色母亲手里收回。独立电影制作人朱日坤听说后立即意识到其重要性，迅速赶到拉萨，将这份档案带回北京，请「档案人」唯色对着镜头，从盖着「档案」汉藏文​​红色大字的牛皮纸大信封中，一页又一页地缓缓抽出来，并一字一句如实朗读其内容。

这部名为《档案》（The Dossier）的128分钟的纪录片曾在几个国际电影节上映。

《档案》袋里装了包括出生年月、体重、身高、学历、特长、民族、配偶、政治面貌、主要家庭成员以及社会关系、是否拥护党的各项政策等等在内的《履历表》、《政治鉴定》、《参考》、《入党入团》、《奖励或惩罚》、《人民医院体检表》等十种材料。时期包括从唯色上幼儿园开始，小学、初中、高中、西南民族学院预科、汉语言文学专业本科，毕业后分配到《甘孜报》，两年后调动到《西藏文学》，直到2004年离开拉萨。

我素来噤声，因为我什么都不知道。
我一生下来就在解放军的号声中成长，
适合做共产主义的接班人。

唯色曾在诗歌中这样写道。

她的母亲出生于庄园主家庭，但后来成为党培养的少数民族干部，父亲是西藏的一名高级军官，留下了数百张珍贵的文革时期西藏的照片，她的舅舅，恳求母亲将私有财产分给仆人和雇农，还在耕牛的犄角上各插上一面小小的五星红旗，在中央民族学院读到研究生，在昌都地区工作时入党，后来成为一名藏学家。

唯色从小品学兼优，被评为「三好学生」、「优秀共青团团员」。大学预科和本科的「政治鉴定」上记载，「该同学长于写作，积极办墙报，学习张海迪精神，热爱社会主义制度，向伟大的中国共产党捧上赤子之心」；「深深感谢党对我这个少数民族学生的关怀」；调动的工作时的「政治过关」上记载：「拥护党的四项基本原则，十一届三中全会，」等等大话套话。缺点是「好动感情，曾把个人奋斗当做理想」、「认为自己的智商太低」。

但是2003年元月，唯色的散文集《西藏笔记》，被中共中宣部和统战部定性为「严重的政治错误」，一般汉人写作者「犯禁」的话，只有中宣部发号施令，而唯色是藏人作家，因此被双重全面查禁。

西藏文联也做出结论：「夸大和美化宗教在社会生活中的作用，个别文章中流露出对达赖的崇信和敬仰，甚至表现出狭隘的民族主义思想和不利于国家统一、民族团结的观点和内容，对西藏改革开放几十年所取得巨大成就视而不见，过多地沉湎于道听途说的旧西藏的怀恋，出现了错误的价值判断，背离了正确的政治原则，丧失了一名当代作家所应承担的社会责任和建设先进文化所应承担的政治责任」。

本来作为党的「可以培养的革命接班人」的唯色，额头上就此烙印了一个原罪的「红字」。他们发起单位和亲朋戚友的「车轮战」对她进行「帮教」；试图逼迫她说出违心的话，比如「达赖是一个分裂分子」一类。也就是说当一个人触犯了他们的潜规则，不仅要从体制内加以惩罚，而且要从亲朋戚友、血缘地缘的脉络中清除，同时恐吓其他人战战兢兢，噤若寒蝉，划清界限。他们最后给唯色一张「踏绘板」，那就是去写赞美青藏铁路的文章。

唯色给文联党组留下一封信，题为《我永远是一个信仰佛教的西藏作家》，坦陈「这个『关』我过不去，也不愿『过』，而且在我看来，这种『过关』有悖作家的天职和良心」。

自此，唯色「除了关进监狱，能被剥夺的都剥夺了」 。

禁书《西藏笔记》

那么，《西藏笔记》究竟是一本怎样的书呢？打开书页就是作者的自白：

「对于我来说，我写下的文字是我内心涌现的文字，我只是我内心的记录者，我听从内心的召唤。当心被打动，被感动，被悸动，被惊动，被震动，被撼动……我知道，记录的时候到了。而在西藏，我的心常常处在这样的状态中」。

点击阅读

这本书由《前言：西藏在上》、《西藏游历》、《西藏人世》、《西藏感受》以及《后记：表述西藏的困难》几大板块构成。

据日本学者冈本雅享研究：1950年代解放军刚刚进藏时，由于藏人干部不懂汉语，拉萨小学教育上第一语言还是藏语，甚至周六下午还有「宗教基础知识」课程，但这仅仅是中共的「战略性让步」，到1958年宗教时间完全被取消，政治课都是毛泽东、党和解放军的事迹以及《十七条协定》的内容。拉萨中学设立之后，更强调所有「不利于民族团结的内容」被删除，由于藏语不适合数学、化学、生物等理科教学，全部使用汉语。 1959年的「平叛」，造成承担藏族教育精英的僧侣和贵族大规模的流失，文革中仅存的僧侣和贵族被当做「三大领主」批判。寺院本来具有承担教育的职能，比如文字、文学、天文等等，但寺院遭到大规模的破坏，皮之不存毛将焉附？自治区内尚且如此，那么周边藏地可想而知。四川省藏地（甘孜、阿坝两自治州以及木里自治县）自1958年到1978年的20年间，藏语教育完全被废除，被强制单一的汉语教育。与青海省、甘肃省相比，四川省藏地汉语化的影响都要大得多。

「我是谁」这个根源性的认同问题过去一直困惑着唯色。在甘孜自治州道孚读小学、康定读中学、到去成都读大学预科以及本科，唯色没有接受过任何藏语以及藏文化历史的教育。

在《西藏笔记》中唯色记录了自己对故乡、血统、个人、民族认同的切肤之痛与艰难的精神历程：「长期以来，我心里尽是困惑，慌张，和一些自卑。这是为什么呢？是因为在不论藏人或汉人的圈子中，我都有一种不为他们所接受的担心，还是因为作为一个命定的不纯粹的藏人，竟然丧失了一切明显的标志」 。

从成都到康定，再回到阔别多年的故乡拉萨，她做的第一件事就是由汉名的「程文萨」换上一生下来父亲就取的藏名—茨仁唯色，意思是永恒的光芒。在名字--这条隐喻的河流里，洄溯老家，安顿，居住，扎根，并开始学习藏语。

「可是，可是我身为藏人中一分子，西藏庞大而苦难的身影像一块大石头压迫着我的脊梁，『光荣』和『无为』，我只能选择一样，非此即彼！」。

离开《档案》的钳制，唯色获得了表述的自由，选择了荆棘的「光荣」之路，选择了流亡，选择了作为见证的文学。

（图：Pazu Kong拍摄）

至今，她的文字在境内仍见不得天日，亦不能获得出国护照。但她已经在台湾出版十几本书，她的博客《看不见的西藏》，像一道良知的光，照亮人们遗忘和试图看不见的死角，她的文字被翻译成多种语言，获得世界性的声誉。

「我最怕的就是痛，一个耳光都会把我打垮」

2008年的「三．一四事件」之后，唯色处境日益困难，甚至一度短暂失去自由。不单她本人被威胁、被搜查、「被喝茶」，他们甚至用中世纪的连坐法，殃及她的亲人和好友。这，更加令她心绞痛。